Invisible cities: Geography and the disappearance of 'race' from mortgage-lending data in the USA

Recent scholarship on race and ethnicity has unpacked taken-for-granted categories of difference and the processes of social construction of racialized identities. In the USA, however, legal and policy frameworks established during the Civil Rights struggles of the 1960s and 1970s are based on problematic, reified categories of race and ethnicity. Yet these frameworks have opened limited opportunities for activist challenges, and among the most successful is the community reinvestment movement, a broad alliance of local groups using simple quantitative analysis of public data and strategic essentialist tactics to win major victories against racial discriminatory mortgage lenders. In this paper, we analyse recent trends that have undermined procedures used to collect the racial data used by reinvestment activists, regulators and housing researchers. The second-largest racial/ethnic group among US home loan applicants is now officially known as 'information not provided,' and non-reporting varies widely across different cities. We analyse the causes of this disappearance and its metropolitan contingency, using multivariate models to evaluate theories of consumer choice and lending industry segmentation. The disappearance of race stems primarily from structural changes in housing finance, including the emergence of a new breed of aggressive, high-risk subprime and predatory lenders; but distinctive contextual factors persist in the emergence of a complex urban system of racially 'invisible' homeowners and homebuyers. The erosion of racial data creates an accidental epistemology, threatening the progressive potential of strategic essentialism for activists and scholars while offering none of the emancipatory possibilities of social constructionist theories of race. Les récentes recherches académiques portant sur la race et l'ethnicité ont exploré les différentes facettes de la différence et les processus sociaux de formation d'identités raciales. Toutefois, aux Etats-Unis, les cadres politiques et légaux établis durant les luttes pour les Droits Civils des années 1960 et 1970 se fondent sur des concepts de race et ethnicité réifiés; ce sont pourtant ces cadres qui ont ouvert la voie à la critique des activistes. Parmi ces critiques, le mouvement de réinvestissement communautaire est celui qui a connu le plus grand succès. Ce mouvement était composé d'une large alliance entre divers groupes locaux utilisant une analyse simple de données publiques quantitatives ainsi que des stratégies d'essentialisme tactique. Ces moyens ont servi à remporter d'importantes victoires contre le racisme des prêteurs hypothécaires. Dans cet article, nous analysons certaines tendences récentes qui ont menacé les procédures de collecte des données raciales par les activistes du réinvestissement, régulateurs, et chercheurs. Le deuxième plus grand groupe racial/ ethnique chez les demandeurs de prêts hypothécaires aux E.U. est maintenant connu officiellement sous la rubrique 'information non-fournie' et le fait de ne pas indiquer sa race ou ethnicité varie énormément d'une ville à l'autre. Nous analysons les causes de ce manque d'information ainsi que son contexte métropolitain à l'aide de différents modèles d'évaluation du choix des consommateurs et de la segmentation de l'industrie du prêt. La disparition d'information ayant trait à la race est principalement issue de changements structuraux dans le financement immobilier, incluant l'émergence d'un nouveau groupe de prêteurs agressifs, prédateurs et à haut risque. Par contre, certains facteurs contextuels distincts persistent dans l'émergence d'un système urbain complexe de propriétaires et acheteurs dont la race demeure 'invisible'. L'érosion de données raciales crée une épistémologie accidentelle et menace le potentiel progressiste de l'essentialisme stratégique utilisé par les activistes et les chercheurs sans toutefois offrir les possibilités émancipatoires des théories raciales constructivistes. Reciente erudición sobre raza e identidad étnica ha deshecho las aceptadas categorías de diferencia y también los procesos de la construcción social de identidades basadas en raza. Sin embargo, en los Estados Unidos, los marcos legales y políticos que fueron establecidos durante la lucha por Derechos Civiles en los años 60 y 70 se fundan en categorías de raza e identidad étnica que son problemáticas y sustancializadas. Y, no obstante, estos marcos han abierto limitadas oportunidades por los desafíos de activistas, y entre los más exitosos es el movimiento de reinversión comunitaria, una extensa alianza de grupos locales que utilizan un sencillo análisis cuantitativo de datos públicos y tácticos estratégicos esencialitas para ganar victorias importantes contra los prestamistas de hipotecas que discriminan por motivos racistas. En este papel, analizamos recientes tendencias que han arruinado los procedimientos implementados para recoger datos raciales utilizados por los activistas reinversionistas, reguladores, e investigadores de viviendas. Hoy en día, el segundo grupo racial/étnica más grande de solicitantes de hipotecas en los Estados Unidos es oficialmente conocido como 'información no proporcionada' y este no revelación de información varia bastante en las varias ciudades. Analizamos las causas de esta desaparición y su contingencia metropolitana por el empleo de modelos multivarios para evaluar teorías de opciones para consumidores y la segmentación de la industria de préstamos. La desaparición de raza viene principalmente de los cambios estructurales en la financiación de viviendas, incluso la emergencia de nuevos prestamistas agresivos y predadores; pero factores contextuales distintivos persisten en la emergencia de un complejo sistema urbano de propietarios y compradores de viviendas racialmente 'invisibles'. La erosión de datos sobre raza crea una epistemología accidental que amenaza el potencial progresivo de esencialismo estratégico para activistas y eruditos y que no ofrece ninguna de las posibilidades emancipadoras de las teorías de construccionismo social sobre raza.     

How do western democracies cope with the challenge of societal diversity?

In the modern era, the grand forces of modernism, liberalism and nationalism have opposed and minimized societal diversity in Western states. The Civil Rights Movement in the USA and the flow of millions of unassimilable immigrants, mostly Muslims, to Europe opened Western societies to cultural diversity. But liberal multiculturalism in the West consists mainly of endorsement of subcultures, non‐discrimination and inclusion. It falls short of instituting consociational components like cultural autonomy and power‐sharing. Fear and unease in the West increasingly give priority to majority over minority rights. While all Western democracies object to societal diversity, they differ in the way they handle it: liberal democracies deny it, consociational democracies institutionalize it and ethnic democracies partially allow and partially subordinate it. These three different strategies are evident in the way representative cases of Western democracies, namely the USA, Switzerland and Estonia, respectively, cope with societal diversity.     

‘Highway to Heaven’: the creation of a multicultural,religious landscape in suburban Richmond,British Columbia

We analyse the emergence of the ‘Highway to Heaven’, a distinctive landscape of more than 20 diverse religious buildings, in the suburban municipality of Richmond, outside Vancouver, to explore the intersections of immigration, planning, multiculturalism, religion and suburban space. In the context of wider contested planning disputes for new places of worship for immigrant communities, the creation of a designated ‘Assembly District’ in Richmond emerged as a creative response to multicultural planning. However, it is also a contradictory policy, co-opting religious communities to municipal requirements to safeguard agricultural land and prevent suburban sprawl, but with limited success. The unanticipated outcomes of a designated planning zone for religious buildings include production of an agglomeration of increasingly spectacular religious facilities that exceed municipal planning regulations. Such developments are accommodated through a celebratory narrative of municipal multiculturalism, but one that fails to engage with the communal narratives of the faith communities themselves and may exoticize or commodify religious identity.     

“德性”：个体与社会和谐关系的伦理审视——基于对麦金太尔社群主义思想的一种理解

和谐社会的构建既需要作为主体的个体积极主动“各尽所能,各得其所”,同时又需要个体作为客体相互尊重、共同分配和享有社会发展的各项成果。社群主义的“德性”教育思想为和谐的个体与社会关系的构建开辟了一种重要视域,他们在修正“自由主义”思想过程中,提出重新倡导个体生存的集体的和社群的价值意义,并试图把“美德”作为整个社会生活价值体系的核心,使得“美德”成为导引人们实践的内在力量,不但成为个体成就人生的内在力量,也成为组成个体融入社会的一种和谐的内在力量。     

The Great Landowners in the House of Commons, 1833–85

This prosopographical article demonstrates that the traditional British landed interest suffered very little by the terms of the 1832 Reform Act. They maintained their customary dominance of the house of commons, although voting records show that they had lost some of their ability to push legislation through the House that spoke to their more parochial interests. By contrast, the 1867 Reform Act caused serious erosion of their legislative power in the Commons. The 1874 election, especially in Ireland, saw great landowners losing their county seats to tenant farmers. Democracy was coming to Britain; just not as soon as some would have it.     

1943年美国废除排华法分析

194 3年 12月 17日 ,美国总统富兰克林·D·罗斯福正式签署了一个由美国参众两院通过的《废除排华法律、规定移民配额及其他事项的法案》 ,废除了自 1882年以来美国政府所实施的一系列排华法律。本文拟就 194 3年美国废除排华法的历史背景、经过及其评价作些探讨     

Plurality and the Rule of Love

Abstract

This article constructs a positive theological case for liberal multiculturalism through a close interrogation of the exegetical methods of Augustine of Hippo (354–430). Drawing out the political implications of the charitable hermeneutics of De doctrina christiana, I suggest that Augustine authorizes political theology to respond generously to multicultural practices of social co-existence and notions of “deep diversity.” In this guise, the Augustinian method of Scriptural reading provides a means of cherishing diverse cultural forms. Yet, alongside these inclusive affirmations, Augustine’s Scriptural politics suggests that liberal multiculturalism should not be an uncontested project for the Church. In place of a politics of separatist autonomy or passive tolerance, Augustine points us towards a radical politics of difference rooted in a fusion of truthfulness and love     

加拿大双语和二元文化讨论探析

加拿大的多元文化主义政策日益引起国内外学者的广泛关注。通过对该政策的分析,笔者发现,在多元文化主义政策的出台过程中,20世纪60年代的双语和二元文化讨论占有非常重要的地位,是多元文化主义政策出台的前奏。对双语和二元文化讨论进行深入分析,可以揭示它与多元文化主义政策之间的关系。     

Educating the national citizen in neoliberal times: from the multicultural self to the strategic cosmopolitan

The paper is a broad, comparative investigation of shifts in the educational rhetoric and policy of three countries over the past two decades. Using England, Canada and the United States as case studies, I argue that the spirit of multiculturalism in education has shifted from a concern with the formation of tolerant and democratic national citizens who can work with and through difference, to a more strategic use of diversity for competitive advantage in the global marketplace. This shift is directly linked with and helps to facilitate the entrenchment of neoliberalism as it supports a privatization agenda, reduces the costs of social reproduction for the government, and aids in the constitution of subjects oriented to individual survival and/or success in the global economy.