论科学技术与国际政治资源

国际政治资源指国际政治主体用来影响国际政治的手段和财富。科学技术作为一种国际政治资源,已经成为各国竞相争夺的焦点。分析科学技术的双重属性,剖析科学技术与国际政治资源的相互联系,是寻求高科技时代下国际政治资源开发的有效途径。     

全球化背景下国际政治资源的开发

全球化是当今时代的重要特征,特别是20世纪的最后十年,全球化浪潮冲击着国际政治资源的各个领域,其中就包括对国际政治资源的开发。因而在全球化背景下,只有全面认识全球化对国际政治资源带来的各种变化,才能合理有效地开发国际政治资源。     

信息全球化对国际政治资源的影响——兼谈中国开发信息资源

随着全球信息技术的迅猛发展,人类进入了信息全球化时代,信息已经成为当今影响国家实力的一种重要资源,特别是国际互联网的出现,使世界任何国家和地方的信息可以在瞬间被传播到世界各地,大大加快了各国获取国际政治资源的速度,同时也加大了信息不对称的鸿沟,改变了硬、软性国际政治资源的作用对比。对于我们中国而言,为了获取更多的国际政治资源,必须积极参与信息全球化。     

政治资源与政治心理

政治资源和政治心理虽属两个不同范畴,但两者却有着紧密的联系。政治心理能对政治资源的增生或流失产生重大影响。政治主体的政治心理状况制约着政治资源的开发与利用,它会影响政治支配、政治使用、政治沟通、政治参与,以及政治人的培育等等。只有具备良好的政治心理才能优化配置政治资源,而政治资源的优化配置和合理开发利用又能促进政治心理的发展和完善。     

论国际冲突研究的文化视野

20世纪90年代以来,国外学界对于国际冲突的研究逐步突破了以往只关注政治和经济因素的局限,越来越重视对文化因素的考察。本文力图从微观、中观和宏观三个层次对进行国际冲突研究所应具有的文化视野进行阐释,指出注重剖析国际冲突中文化因素的角色和作用、揭示文化视角下国际冲突在多元文化互动中的作用和影响、了解文化在国际冲突研究的理论建构中的运用和意义等构成了研究者必须体察的三项要素。本文还指出在分析国际冲突的过程中,文化分析只是对政治、经济、军事等分析角度的一种补充,绝不能因此忽视或否定其他因素的作用;冷战后西方文化价值观的强力输出对不少非西方国家的内部稳定构成了威胁,帝国主义的文化扩张已经成为当代国际冲突的主要根源之一。     

中美关系解冻的国际政治因素

1979年1月1日,中美两国建交。至此,两个对抗了二十多年的大国实现了关系正常化。中美关系的这一变化,是两国关系史上具有历史意义的重大突破,也是当代世界影响最大的外交突破之一。中美关系能在20世纪70年代实现根本性的转折,除当时两国决策者的因素之外,国际政治力量的变化,国     

从权利角度看毛泽东国际政治理论的思想渊源

毛泽东国际政治理论是关于国际社会弱势群体为争取和维护自身正当权利、追求国际社会正义和人类进步的一种国际政治理论。从权利的角度看,中国传统文化中的民本思想、近代西方永久和平思想与民权思想以及马克思主义国际政治思想等因素对毛泽东国际政治理论的产生有着深刻的影响。     

现代大众政治的兴起与其欧洲国际政治效应

以选民范围急剧扩大为主要的直接由来,中、西欧国家政治在19世纪末至20世纪初年普遍转变为现代大众政治。与此相伴,公众舆论对国家对外政策的影响变得显和频繁;各类(特别是殖民、经济和军事三类)利益集团积极干预甚至操纵对外政策的形成;很大程度上植根于大众非理性情感、并且多半由大众传媒表述和助长的极端民族主义和帝国主义则构成欧洲及世界政治中的一大恶性力量。总之,现代大众政治的兴起是欧洲传统外交和国际政治变更的一项重要原因。     

红色资源在思想政治教育中的运用研究

红色资源是中国共产党在长期的反侵略反压迫解放战争以及社会主义建设过程中所形成的优秀文化结晶和历史遗存,它不仅是名胜古迹的代名词,更是革命传统和民族精神的最高体现。思想政治教育中融入红色文化教育,其目的就是将红色资源作为刺激人们精神的介质,将红色文化精神扎根于人们的思想观念中,从而继承并发扬中华民族传统文化和精神。文章首先介绍了红色资源在思政教育中的现实意义,并阐述了红色资源在思政教育中的实现途径。     

清末地缘政治和国际经济竞争中的海参崴

1903年,随着海参崴与其他地域间海上航线的开通,以及西伯利亚大铁道各区段线路的开通,它不仅可以通过海上,还可以仅凭借陆路铁道即可到达俄国的欧洲部分。由此,海参崴获得了成为东西方欧亚贸易中转枢纽港口的发展契机。就中国进出口贸易额而言,1894年为2.23亿美元,至1911年增长到5.52亿美元。然而,明显呈上升趋势的东西方贸易货运仍主要依靠开发了东西方航线的西方轮船公司,位于西伯利亚大铁道东端的海参崴并未如预期般发展成为一个具有全球性地位的国际贸易港口。造成这一局面的原因有三：一是俄国为贪图更大的地缘政治和经济利益,不惜建设了与海参崴贸易利益相冲突的新商港大连;二是无法容忍俄国去撼动既定国际经济关系乃至地缘政治格局的英、日两国结为同盟,以阻挠俄国的这一发展进程;三是俄方人为设定的种种限制政策,束缚了外国人在海参崴的发展。     

“Living together separately”: Thoughts on the relationship between political science and political geography

In their provocatively titled book, Living Together Separately, Michael Romann and Alex Weingrod argue that the shared terrain of Jerusalem obscures deep divisions in the physical and social lives of its Arab and Jewish ethnic communities (Romann & Weingrod, 1991). Multiple divisions exist not only among peoples sharing a common space; they are also found among communities of scholars sharing common intellectual interests. This has certainly been the case of Political Science and Political Geography during much of the twentieth century. Members of both disciplinary communities seek insights into the role of politics and political structures in human society, yet until recently they have pursued their work within orbits that only rarely intersected. They attended different conferences and symposia, they employed different methodological tools, and they did not draw heavily on each others published work.Recent theoretical and empirical developments have begun to erode the barriers separating Political Science and Political Geography, and a discussion of the relationship between the disciplines is thus both timely and welcome. Professor Elazar is an appropriate person to place at the center of this discussion, for his work as a political scientist is unusual sensitivity to geography. Professor Elazar's comments about research orientations and career constraints provide an interesting point of departure for such a discussion, but to understand the nature and depth of the divide between the disciplines it is important to consider the core intellectual constructs and practices that have characterized Political Science and Political Geography during the twentieth century. These have fostered theoretical orientations and research approaches that are sufficiently different from one another to create significant barriers to interdisciplinary contact.     

一届政协筹备问题的若干考察

中国人民政治协商会议筹备期间,中共为适应形势的不断发展变化,与各民主党派、人民团体代表反复协商,对会议计划做了多次重要修改。至会议开幕,这次会议无论是名称、开会时间、地点,还是会议性质、召集办法、邀请党外人士的政治标准,都与中共最初的计划完全不同。     

辛亥革命以来政党制度更替对中国政治发展道路的影响

辛亥革命以来,中国政党制度的性质、内容与形式几度更替,对中国政治发展道路产生了重大而深远的影响：近代资产阶级多党制和议会制,肇始近代中国政治发展道路的曲折探索;国民党一党专政,促使近代中国政治发展道路在徘徊倒退中进行革命性扬弃;共产党与各民主党派的团结合作,绽放现代中国政治发展道路的曙光;中国共产党领导的多党合作制度,开创中国特色社会主义政治发展道路的新篇章。     

Razi on Reason and Political Authority: A Study in Medieval Persian Political Thought

The Philosopher of Rey, Mohammad-e Zakariya-ye Razi and his Ismaili adversaries, Abu Hatam-e Razi and Naser-e Khosrow, share a political understanding of religion according to which religion is a theologico-political system of domination. However, they are at odds over the political philosophy appraisal of religion qua a system of authority. The paper explicates the latter disagreement in part based on Razi's and his opponents' conflicting ideas about the nature of the faculty of Reason and its distribution among men. Consequently, the paper underlines a democratic implication of Razi's thesis on the makeup of the human intellect.     

Studying the International,Serving the Nation: The Origins of International Relations (IR) Scholarship in Germany, 1912–33

This paper examines the dynamics of internationalist and nationalist political thought in the formation of International Relations (IR) scholarship in Germany during the early twentieth century. It argues that while liberal internationalism played a significant role in shaping the discipline, IR scholars were often devout nationalists and worked for their government rather than for international peace. German institutions for the study of IR, like their Anglo-American counterparts, were founded in the aftermath of the First World War. Celebrated during the 1920s as ‘bulwarks of democracy’, they were nationalised by the Nazi government, lost their academic profile and since then have been largely forgotten. This paper explains the origins of IR research at the Institut für Auswärtige Politik, based in Hamburg and directed by Albrecht Mendelssohn Bartholdy, as well as at the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik, led by Ernst Jäckh in Berlin. Formally inaugurated in 1923 and 1920 respectively, both institutions drew on pre-war intellectual traditions as well as wartime networks. In light of recent re-appraisals of inter-war IR scholarship in other countries, the German case offers new and important insights into the complex intellectual traditions of what has traditionally been oversimplified as a first ‘great debate’ between ‘idealists’ and ‘realists’.     

新疆与历代中原王朝政治关系的计量分析

自西汉在新疆设官以来的两千多年中,新疆和中原王朝保持着四类政治关系。本文首先简述了中原王朝在新疆设置政权的沿革,然后以计量史学的方法对四类政治关系存续的时段分别予以统计,以关系的数量程度说明关系的性质。统计结果显示,新疆地区全部或部分在两千多年的大部分时段中处于中原王朝辖治之下,从而表明新疆自汉代以来就是中国领土的一部分。     

新闻媒体人力资源管理现状与改革

人力资源管理的水平和效率是新闻媒体生存和发展的关键。近年来,伴随着我国新闻媒体企业化改革的不断深化、市场化运作模式的逐步形成,新闻媒体人力资源管理中存在的问题与漏洞逐渐显现出来,一定程度上影响了新闻媒体的正常运行,而且,上述问题的存在,造成了新闻报道中“负面报道”的现象与问题不断出现。这不但致使得媒体的新闻报道没有坚持“正确舆论导向”原则,偏离了党对新闻媒体的基本要求,也致使整个社会对新闻媒体形成了不良的印象。因此,我国新闻媒体人力资源管理改革势在必行。     

Political language in Italy and Great Britain

Abstract

Patrick McCarthy underlined the role of political language in the crisis of the Italian Republic. It was both a reflection of the crisis and an active agent of political change. A study of Berlusconi's political language reveals the importance of his new, simplified style of political communication in the creation of his party Forza Italia and of his own personal charisma. He has been able to adapt his rhetoric to changing political circumstances and to different publics. Romano Prodi was successful in 1996 in constructing his image as the ‘anti-Berlusconi’, and Walter Veltroni also broke with the old style of hermetic political discourse acknowledging the inspiration both of Robert Kennedy and Tony Blair, but the language of the centre-left in recent years has generally failed to convey a clear message and has perpetuated obscurity in order to conceal its internal divisions. A comparison with the political language of Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair reveals interesting similarities and differences. Thatcher, like Berlusconi, appealed to the need for national revival in the face of the threat from the left, but her language, unlike his, was rooted in the tradition of Protestant individualism and invigorated rather than challenging the existing party system. Blair managed to make skilful use of a new rhetoric of emotion and to incorporate elements of Thatcher's appeal in his ‘new Labour’ synthesis. In conclusion: McCarthy was deeply preoccupied with the possibility of an alternative and more honest style of political communication.     

政党现代化视域的选人用人论析

政党现代化是一个不断制度化、规范化、科学化的过程。选人用人是政党的重要功能。选人用人的合法性和科学性,是政党现代化的题中应有之义遥。只有在厘清公共权力、执政党和民众政治参与的逻辑关系的前提下,才能科学把握政党现代化的一般规律,并遵循这个规律来选人用人。