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1.
Alan Lester 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》1998,23(4):515-531
This paper examines the formation of a colonial identity among settlers from the British Isles who were relocated to the eastern frontier of the Cape Colony in 1820. It suggests that material aspirations united certain of the settlers in a political programme, and thus began the erosion of imported class (and other) divisions. However, it argues that their establishment as a capitalist colonial class is an insufficient explanation for their construction of a shared and emotive British settler identity. The settlers modified their inherited discourses of class, race, gender and nationality in order to forge solidarity, and the imperative for solidarity derived not so much from their mutual desire for accumulation, but from a corresponding collective insecurity. Not only were settlers afraid of Khoikhoi labour rebellion and Xhosa reprisals for land loss; they also feared abandonment by a seemingly unsympathetic metropole. Their aggressive capitalist endeavour, and collective fear of its destabilizing consequences, were two sides of the same coin, informing the development of a unifying social identity. The paper goes on to consider the mechanisms through which that identity was sustained, including acts of landscape representation, the textual generation of collective memory and the practice of communally binding, quotidian, gendered routines. 相似文献
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Alison Bell 《International Journal of Historical Archaeology》2002,6(4):253-298
The influence of emulative behavior on the material and socioeconomic transformations of the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Anglo-American world is widely debated. A study of historical archaeological sites and probate inventories in Virginia implicates emulation as one ethic operative in rural communities but also identifies a second dynamic: a tendency for many planters of divergent means to act in step with one another, responding in similar ways to new circumstances. Here termed a cultural accord, this affinity enabled some individuals who occupied middling social positions to use emulation advantageously in ways that less privileged members of the population could not. 相似文献
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北美皮毛对华商路的开拓者是英国人,美国随后介入。美、英皮毛输华量在1801年达到顶点;两相比较,早期,英国占有优势地位,略后,美国反超。中国人原先穿用皮种多为陆地动物,而北美输华的主要是海洋动物皮毛。在工业革命完成之前,一般的国际贸易多为资源性经营,但人类的过量捕杀势必造成珍贵动物资源濒于灭绝。这是18和19世纪之交的国际皮毛贸易由盛转衰留下的深刻教训。 相似文献
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谭刚 《中国历史地理论丛》2012,27(1):56-71
皮毛是西北地区重要的畜牧产品。近代以来,随着天津的开埠通商,在天津口岸的经济辐射作用下,大量西北皮毛通过黄河水运汇集至包头后再通过平绥铁路运至天津出口美英等国,皮毛成为西北最重要的出口物资,大量西北皮毛的出口也成为西北地区皮毛业外向化的重要表现。但抗战爆发以后,西北皮毛贸易发生了巨大变化。首先,西北皮毛出口运输路线改为向西汇集兰州后再通过甘新公路或甘新大道运至猩猩峡出口苏联,使得苏联取代战前美国成为中国最大皮毛进口国,这也直接推动了战时中苏易货贸易的发展。其次,由于战时西北皮毛出口运输较战前出口运输路途艰险,加上战时出口市场萎缩等原因,造成战时西北皮毛出口量较战前减少。战时西北皮毛出口量的减少,迫使部分皮毛出口转内销,西北皮毛业从战前外向化开始转为战时内向化。西北皮毛内销数量的增加,也推动了大后方毛纺织业的发展。因此,战时西北皮毛业的内向化一定程度上为战时大后方经济的发展积累了新的动力因素。 相似文献
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Lynn A Blake 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》1999,24(1):79-93
I deploy Michel Foucault's concepts of pastoral power and governmentality to investigate the material consequences of two very different visions of the governance of Native people in nineteenth-century British Columbia. This entails a consideration of these modalities of power, and of the usefulness of relocating them in a colonial context. But I also argue that the conceptions of order embedded within these two modalities of power bear the stamp of, and demonstrate, very distinctive cultural geographies. 相似文献
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20世纪初,在英国自由党的支持和推动下,英国政府进行了一系列旨在减少贫困、缓解矛盾的社会改革,推出了养老金条例和国民保险法案,调节了社会各阶层之间的关系,打下了社会保障的基础,从而对20世纪英国社会的发展产生了深远的影响. 相似文献
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论清代茶叶贸易的社会影响 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
清代是中国茶叶外销兴盛时期。由于世界茶叶市场的需求拉动和国内茶叶生产的发展,茶叶出口量迅速扩大,成为中西贸易的核心商品,获取了丰厚利润。茶叶贸易对发展茶叶生产、改善交通运输、活跃金融、繁荣经济,产生了积极影响,并成为外交和军事斗争的重要武器。 相似文献
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近代早期英国海外贸易由弱到强不断得到发展。从最初伦敦与安特卫普之间的呢绒贸易,到17世纪中后期大西洋商业体系的初步形成,英国海外贸易经历了三个不同的历史阶段,并最终建立了殖民地贸易模式。这为英国实现海上强国的梦想,并成功地走向近代社会,意义重大,影响深远。 相似文献
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近代以来,江南典当业受战乱及社会经济环境等因素的影响,经营日渐困难。为谋求生存,典当业试图提高利息、缩短当期以牟取商利,但其求利行为日益受到社会的道德批判和政府的制约。在“道德”与“利益”之间,典当业难以平衡,终因社会经济环境变化而转向趋利化,与此同时,典当业的社会形象也日益恶化。 相似文献
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洋务知识分子在对外贸易上主张:以中国的优势产品推行出口型贸易战略;发展本国机器工业以实现“进口替代”;组织公司以发挥对外贸易的团队优势;强化政府的宏观管理以改善贸易的内外环境;采取保商政策等。这些主张的提出,适应了时代的发展要求,从而把传统的国内贸易思想和对外无足轻重的贸易意识提高到了立国强国的现代贸易的思想高度。这对当时及此后重商、重工思想的发展以及社会经济的进步都产生了积极影响。 相似文献
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英属北美殖民地法律的早期现代化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
关于英属北美殖民地社会经济属何种性质的讨论,涉及到对当时法律制度的历史地位进行评价的问题,美国学术界在这些方面至今还存在很多争议。从美国学者的学术交锋来看,尽管英属北美殖民地是否已进入资本主义发展阶段仍有待商榷,但当时市场经济的扩张确实已达到了一定的程度,从而使殖民地的法律制度出现了早期现代化的趋势,主要表现为陪审团在民事审判中的初步式微、从事实性答辩向法律性答辩的转变、普通法令状制度的逐步健全、专业律师队伍的出现和仲裁的正规化或边缘化。因此,英属北美殖民地法律在美国法律史上占有重要地位,殖民地时期绝不是美国法律的“黑暗时代”,当然也不可和19世纪混为一谈。 相似文献
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17世纪初,世界贸易形势发生了巨大变化,东来的欧洲殖民者为贩运中国的生丝和丝织品,在东亚海域展开了激烈的商业竞争,于是在东亚海域形成了全球贸易。而此时正值明朝政府在福建漳州月港开放海禁,准许私人出洋贸易,因此大量的中国海商涌向海外,在与欧洲殖民者激烈的商业竞争中,他们以敏锐的商业头脑和强烈的竞争意识取得了成功,使世界各地的白银源源不断地流入中国,使中国成为当时东亚海域的贸易中心。 相似文献
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清末民初地方社会整合格局的变化 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
晚清以降,在内忧外患交侵之下,乡族自治传统下的地方社会秩序陷入困境。随着国家扩张权力需要的增强和地方资产阶级化新兴士绅的倔起,一种以国家与新型地方精英的合作为基础的新的地方权力格局呼之欲出。当然,由于传统势力的牵制以及国家权力与地方精英权力之间的张力,清末民初的地方权力重建过程充满了复杂的纠葛与冲突。 相似文献
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在中国中古门阀政治的背景下,士人之间的社会交往对于维护和提升其政治地位具有重要作用。北魏前期的汉族士人虽然在政治上受到较大的限制,但他们仍然试图在现有政治状况之下,通过社会交往建立社会网络,从而形成相互间的身份认同并获得有效的政治资源。乡里社会是汉族士人展开社会交往的基础,他们也十分重视。随着仕宦于平城的汉族士人逐渐增多,平城就成了北魏前期汉族士人社会交往的中心。以崔浩为中心的社交网络和青齐地区的汉族士人的交往成了这一时期较为明显的两种社会交往形态。当然,汉族士人之间的社会交往往往受到政治的牵连。 相似文献
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Anna Marie Prentiss Natasha Lyons Lucille E. Harris Melisse R.P. Burns Terrence M. Godin 《Journal of Anthropological Archaeology》2007
Explaining the emergence of status inequality in human societies is an important priority for many anthropological archaeologists, particularly those whose research includes intermediate scale societies (complex hunter–gatherers and early agriculturalists). Yet, fine grained records of emergent inequality are still exceedingly rare. This paper outlines a fine-grained record of cultural change from the Keatley Creek site, a complex hunter–gatherer village in British Columbia, in which it is possible to recognize the emergence of inequality and its demographic and economic correlates. Results of the study suggest that status inequality emerged abruptly after an extended period of socio-economic stability in the village under conditions of adversely altered resource conditions, demographic packing, and subsistence resource diversification and extensification. 相似文献
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George Yerby 《Parliamentary History》2020,39(3):377-404
This article identifies the forms of state development in 16th- and 17th-century England, and shows that they were embraced by parliament rather than the crown, reflecting the change whereby MPs ceased to be mere local representatives and came to be seen as the central representative of the kingdom, traditionally the function of the monarch. Thus parliament assumed a defining role in the new national dimension of foreign policy, working in concert with the Elizabethan government, but generally in opposition to the early Stuarts, who perpetuated a dynastic approach. The most challenging domestic manifestation of parliament as central representative was the long-term campaign for freedom of trade, pursued by a broad coalition of the merchant community and the gentry in parliament, asserting a principled right of English subjects to be free of arbitrary exactions and restraints, such as the royal prerogative of impositions. The emergent state was structured by a distinctive internal dynamic, based on the sole sovereignty of representative law, established by the expulsion of the universal church. Omni-competent statute had a unique dual force, responding directly to constituency requirements, and meeting them with definitive national provisions. This was adopted by parliament as the new instrument of good government, but distrusted and sidelined by the Stuart crown. Consequently, in 1641, John Pym bemoaned the absence of parliaments as bereaving the country of the legislative function, which he now saw as ‘that which makes and constitutes a kingdom’. The appropriation of state perspectives reinforced parliamentarian strength and ambitions. 相似文献
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从《部门报告》看战前港英政府的社会福利事业 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
1909至1939年港英政府的《部门报告》是一份久为人所忽视的档案。该报告显示香港政府在社会福利事业上曾用力不少。与西方相比,其策划规模与客观成就并不落后。 相似文献
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姜龙范 《中国边疆史地研究》2000,(2)
延边地区为中国朝鲜族的最大聚居区,朝鲜族先民从朝鲜半岛移居该地的同时便建立了一些早期社会团体。这些社会团体标榜代表朝鲜族垦民利益,争取参与和协助当地政府有关朝鲜族垦民事务。然而,由于社会团体组织者的阶级成分复杂,政治立场模糊,不仅未能真正代表广大朝鲜族垦民的切身利益,而且团体之间为争夺垦民和扩大势力勾心斗角,结果两败俱伤,很快退出历史舞台,这表明了朝鲜族早期社会团体的不成熟性和团体组织者的阶级局限性。 相似文献