共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 109 毫秒
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康熙二十二年,荆州驻防设立,逐渐形成荆州旗城。有清一代,旗人作为一个特殊的群体,不论在政治上还是经济上始终享受着特权,旗人靠领响生活,不用去自谋生计。这种“恩养”政策,助长了荆州旗人的懒惰,使得其有了寄生性。在清前中期,旗人一直过着优渥的生活,但好景不长,18世纪以后旗人的生计问题凸显。而辛亥革命的一声炮响,打碎了旗人的“美梦”,清政府的倒台使得这些“铁杆庄稼”没有了依靠,八旗制度的逐渐瓦解,使得荆州旗人愈发贫困,如何解决荆州旗人的生计问题,是当时面临的一个重要问题,本文依托报刊资料来探讨一下民国初年荆州驻防的生计问题。 相似文献
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变通旗制,消除满汉畛域是清末直隶“新政”的重要举措之一,为此,直隶地方政府通过实行垦荒政策,提倡“移民实边”以缓解旗人的生活压力。在地方政府的支持下,旗人也积极参与社会改革,一方面通过建立新式学堂提高旗人的素质;另一方面,通过组织新式社团参与政体改革,督促变通旗制处加快改革步伐,加速了中国政治民主化进程。 相似文献
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民国时期,由于民族歧视与偏见的存在,政府财政匮乏,旗人自身身无长技,外来移民大量涌入等原因,东北旗人生存状态不断恶化。东北旗人的这种生存状态是民国时期整个旗人群体生存状态的一个缩影,折射出在中国由传统王朝国家向现代民族国家转型过程中弱势群体为了适应新的生存环境而作出的努力与挣扎。东北旗人在生存状态变迁过程中逐渐产生的对民族国家的归属感,以及中国其他民族对统一国家的认同,对旗人的接纳,对于近代民族国家的整合及民族关系的和谐均具有重大的意义。 相似文献
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本文首先讨论汉军旗人在清代满汉关系中的地位,进而通过对"三藩"特别是尚可喜与汉军旗的关系及其家族的编旗经过揭示了以下问题:一,尚可喜不是旗人,文献中的记载和研究者认为尚可喜是汉军旗人的看法是错误的。尚可喜一族入旗是尚可喜死后的康熙二十二年以后的事情。先入正黄旗,雍正初调整到镶蓝旗,故史料中关于其旗籍记载不一致。二,尚可喜生前没有入旗,是因为尚氏当时封王,远高于普通旗人,故可以兼统八旗兵和绿营兵。三,从尚可喜子女的通婚情况看,主要是通过联姻地方实力派而非旗人来巩固自己的藩王权力。 相似文献
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George Lambie 《Romance Quarterly》2013,60(2):126-143
This article studies the intersections of racial, gender, and national subjectivities in Marta Rojas's novel, Santa Lujuria o Papeles de blanco (1998). I examine the entanglement of fiction and historical memory as well as the (re)appropriation and (re)construction of the slave experience as a vindication of anti-imperialist discourses. By focusing on the depictions of conflicts of race and class set in the colonial period, I also analyze the racialized discourse of blanqueamiento (racial and cultural whitening) and the myth of the eroticized mulatta. Furthermore, I maintain that this novel contributes to the intellectual articulation of new forms of racialization in the Cuban context, while confronting the traditional rhetoric of White supremacy. 相似文献
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Michael E. Harkin 《Reviews in Anthropology》2013,42(2):96-108
At this critical juncture in human history, when technological, political, demographic, and climatological forces promise to reshape the world in fundamental ways, anthropology stands in a uniquely privileged position to understand and perhaps cope with these forces and the resulting changes. By virtue of three key features—holism, scalability, and a tradition of political engagement—anthropology has an important role to play in the 21st century. 相似文献
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Peter Augustine Lawler 《Perspectives on Political Science》2013,42(4):181-188
Abstract We argue for the relevance of a contemporary return to Shakespeare because his work prompts thinking about the “Body Politic,” perhaps the most vivid and enduring image in speech describing political community ever proposed. Shakespeare's meditation on this image invites us to reflect on the conditions under which a body politic can be made whole; that the constitution of any formal commonwealth requires a self-conscious articulation of the body politic and that this articulation could not happen without the parts themselves being aware of their partial character within the whole political order. The need for the consent of those parts in the political order to which they would belong thus becomes suddenly more evident. Shakespeare's plays show that this need for consent always emerges within discrete political communities. As such, the constituent parts of those communities must grant consent, exercise and enjoy their rights, and participate in the whole within the limitations circumscribed by their political boundaries and borders. His dramatic works thus help us reconsider contemporary attacks on the nation-state and illuminate the body politic as an essential means for bringing into being the preconditions and framework required for healthy political life, including liberal democracy, to flourish. 相似文献
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<正>在南美,阿根廷恰似一件华服漂亮的下摆,优雅而从容地荡漾在蔚蓝的海面上。高大的红松林、清澈的湖水、神秘的岛屿、色彩缤纷的建筑将这件华服渲染得五光十色。在这里,你可以呼吸到来自布宜诺斯艾利斯最新鲜的空气,可以循着大水的声音挖掘最美妙的深渊,或是探索古老岛屿自然天成的乐趣,也可以在欧洲式优雅的小城品味静谧的美和极限运动的疯狂,抑或是在寒冷的冰河世纪欣赏深深浅 相似文献
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Devoney Looser 《Journal of Victorian Culture》2013,18(1):132-137
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