试述东北沦陷前后黑龙江的火柴业

本文依据档案资料,阐述了黑龙江省火柴业的发展历程,同时也揭示了日本侵略者对中国实行经济侵略无孔不入,连火柴业也不放过的罪恶行径。     

日据时期的香港殖民教育

1941年底太平洋战争爆发后,日军很快就占领了英属殖民地香港。日本对香港进行殖民统治的三年半时间里,在大肆破坏香港原有教育的同时,还积极推行殖民教育,加强对学校的控制,编订适应殖民统治需要的教科书,推广日语教学,奴化香港青少年,以培养为日本帝国主义侵略战争服务的“人才”。在日本的统治下,香港学校数量和学生人数锐减,形成了香港教育史上最为黑暗的一页。     

抗战时期沦陷区的红卍字会

在"汉奸"与"亡国奴"之外,抗战时期沦陷区的中国人还存在一个"第三者",即为数众多的民间组织与民间教派。本文旨在以抗战时期沦陷区的道院——红卍字会为视角,探讨当时作为"第三者"的社会群体之功能、地位与历史评价问题。沦陷区的红卍字会多有存在,甚至颇有发展,开展社会救助。在民族主义与外敌入侵发生严重冲突的抗战时期,沦陷区红卍字会的精神世界并不能超然物外。国民政府可以接受沦陷区红卍字会的社会救助,但敌视红卍字会的道院信仰,警惕其成员的附逆行为。为此,沦陷区的红卍字会在宗教活动上有所收敛,并自行处理了部分附逆成员。日伪方面更多的是把沦陷区的红卍字会定位为社会救助组织,在政治上拉红卍字会会员入伙,对红卍字会之道院信仰干涉不多。沦陷区的红卍字会,一方面利用日伪政权对自己的定位,继续开展社会救助;另一方面,沦陷区的红卍字会会员也不乏附逆之人。对沦陷区的民间教派——民间团体开展研究,尤其是开展红卍字会这类慈善团体的研究,可以丰富人们对抗战时期中国社会的整体认识,有助于人们正确认识这些团体在中国近现代历史上的角色、功能与历史作用。     

抗战时期安徽并不存在完全沦陷县份

1945年抗战胜利前夕,安徽省政府编辑出版《安徽省战时损失概况》一书。该书认为,战时安徽存在宿县等15个完全沦陷县份。种种史料表明,此说不能成立。     

The Archaeology of Occupation and the V-sign Campaign in the Occupied British Channel Islands

This paper charts the course of the V-for-victory campaign in the occupied British Channel Islands, set within its European context, from 1940–45, examining the manifestations of the V-sign in a material form, and how this changed with time. It highlights the use of the V as both an open and a hidden symbol of resistance, and the role it played both in “fighting” the German forces behind their backs and in boosting morale among the local population, even after the appropriation of the symbol by the occupiers.     

抗日战争时期中国沦陷区的言说环境——以北京上海文学为中心

由于受特定历史条件的局限,学术界和公众长期以来对中国抗日战争时期沦陷区学的认识模糊,认为沦陷区没有学或只有汉奸学。90年代初期以来,随着一批相关论的问世,沦陷区学主体的面貌和性质已经基本上明朗。尽管如此,对于它的怀疑、贬低和曲解依然存在。不容否认．沦陷区的政治化环境,在总体上是与中国新学活动相敌对的。但具体到各个沦陷区．由于被占领的时间和社会形态不同,言说自由的程度也各不相同。本用确凿的史实证明,北京、上海沦陷区的言说环境好于其他沦陷地区。具有相对自由的言论空间。北京、上海的中国民族学之所以能够在沦陷时期继续迂曲生长并蔚为大观,与两地相对有利的言说环境密切相关。     

断裂与传承:沦陷时期北平的文化生态

1937年7月全面抗战爆发之后,北平成为沦陷之区,众多高校与文化、学术机构南迁,大批文化人离平避难,曾经的文化中心陷入沉寂。日伪政府利用中日地域接近、文化相似等特点,鼓吹"同文同种"、"中日亲善"理论,通过构建严密的管制体系,在文艺、教育、学术、媒体等领域推行一系列殖民政策与措施,力图将北平的文化发展纳入到"日化"的轨道中。但文化建设并非一朝一夕,亦非仅靠强制力可以推行。在殖民统治之下,北平的文化生态虽然受到很大程度的破坏,但作为具有数百年历史的国都与国家文化中心,城市的文化传统也在断裂中实现着传承。     

日伪时期南京新闻传媒述评

日本军国主义在攻占中国的首都南京并在这里建立起“中国派遣军”总司令部与扶植起伪中央政府后,一直特别重视对南京新闻传媒的控制与利用：一方面建立起严密的日伪新闻传媒宣传网络,一方面对新闻传媒的宣传内容与经营管理实行严格的监控。     

A Political Ontology of Land: Rooting Syrian Identity in the Occupied Golan Heights

Questions of identity, belonging and place are heightened in societies under protracted military occupation. Bridging scholarship on territorial justice and settler colonialism, this paper examines the impacts of, and responses to, the misrecognition of Arab residents enacted by the Israeli state in the occupied Golan Heights. The injustice of misrecognition entails the imposition on the indigenous population of a Zionist ethnogeography consolidated through Jewish settlements, forced citizenship and discriminatory land and water policies. Focusing on the distinctive agricultural practices by which a Jawlani (Syrian Golani) identity is forged, we highlight the role of sumud (“steadfastness”) as a strategy of non‐violent resistance. Sumud here rests on the mobilisation of communal norms of land and water management, evident in the creation of counter‐infrastructures and water collectives supporting apple orchards. In the face of settler colonial misrecognition, Jawlani rootedness expresses a distinctive ontology on land with a conjoined right of resourcehood.     

Ambiguities at Work: Spanish Republican Exiles and the Organisation Todt in Occupied Bordeaux

During the Occupation of France, the German Organisation Todt used thousands of Spanish Republican exiles for the construction of military facilities along the Channel and Atlantic coast. So far there has been little research into the dynamics shaping the lives of Spanish OT workers at the local level. This article seeks to contribute to this history with a case study of Bordeaux. As well as highlighting the difficulties in defining the Spanish Republicans' experiences according to the dichotomy of resistance and collaboration, this article suggests that the dynamics shaping work practices in and around Bordeaux provided exiles with certain, if limited, opportunities over other OT centres. The ambiguities of working for the German authorities in this port city explain the significance of a story that continues to circulate in contemporary Bordeaux regarding the deaths of a number of OT workers.     

难民申请书中的日军暴行与日据前期的南京社会经济(1937-1941)

本文依据中国第二历史档案馆藏汪伪政府振务委员会南京难民请求救济的申请书1000余份,确凿地印证了日军在南京的暴行。指出难民区内无辜平民被滥杀,并非都是被怀疑为溃军的青年人;被屠杀的南京平民遍布城区、乡间、周边县份及省外;屠杀者既包括日军地面部队,也包括其他兵种。日军的焚烧、劫管等各种活动,直接摧毁了南京的各类产业,造成社会经济普遍凋落。尤为重要的是,申请书反映了南京大量的幸存者既要承受生计无着、物价飞涨带来的痛苦,同时更承受着亲人被惨杀等日军恐惧活动带来的身心折磨,日军造成心理致残的人口,与其造成的身体致残的人口同样是一大社会恶果。     

华北沦陷区粮食的生产与流通

抗日战争时期,日伪特别重视对华北沦陷区粮食的掠夺。尽管在太平洋战争爆发前更重视棉花的增产,但除日伪强力推行植棉的地区外,华北沦陷区的农民仍以种植粮食作为农耕的第一选择。日本的军事侵略及统治,严重破坏了农村的农业生产力,粮食的播种面积及单产量都比七七事变前减少,粮食的流通渠道、机构、方向、手段等都受到了影响。粮食流通的初级市场———集市减少,农民多在自家庭院卖给前来收购的小贩;一些粮栈或货栈成为日本商社的收购人;大城市粮栈的运输职能丧失;一些粮食集散市场的中转职能改变;铁路、卡车及牲畜运输量的增加,也从一个侧面反映了日伪交通统制的重点和薄弱环节所在。     

抗战时期国统区与沦陷区间走私贸易述论

一、走私的原因抗日战争时期,在国统区与沦陷区之间存在着大量的走私贸易。这种贸易之所以存在,与敌我双方的经济形势及其措施是分不开的。日本是自然资源极为贫乏的国家。１９３６年日本各种军需原料的自给率分别为：铁砂２３％,铣铁７０％,铜５９％,铝３０％,棉花２０％,铅８％,锡２９％,锌２９％,煤油８％,羊毛５％,橡皮、石油,镁、锑等几乎完全从国外进口。~①中国历来是日本所需生铁、煤、大豆、油料、生丝和盐等产品的主要供应国。抗战爆发后,国民政府下令切断与敌占区的一切经济联系,日本除向欧美购买和从沦陷区掠夺…     

Inside Checkpoint 300: Checkpoint Regimes as Spatial Political Technologies in the Occupied Palestinian Territories

As a part of the architecture of the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian Territories, the Israeli government introduced in 2005 a series of so‐called terminal checkpoints as “neutral border crossings”, to minimise the impact of these barriers on Palestinian lives through a different design and the use of several machines, such as turnstiles and metal detectors. In this article, we analyse terminal Checkpoint 300 in Bethlehem, framing it as a spatial political technology aimed at controlling the movement of Palestinians. More specifically, we investigate the interactions between Palestinian commuters, Israeli soldiers/security guards and the machines operating inside Checkpoint 300. We conclude by suggesting that Checkpoint 300 is a porous barrier whose regime is produced, reproduced but also challenged by such interactions, and that, despite the new “neutral design”, Checkpoint 300 is a place still filled with tension and violence, often exercised by the machines and their “decisions”.