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1.
The present work aims to study surface composition profiles on buried marbles as well as their time evolution. Fifty samples from gravestones, buried for up to 80 years, were analysed by laser‐induced photoluminescence and LA–ICP–MS. The results include profiles of 25Mg, 27Al, 55Mn, 57Fe, 88Sr and organic complexes of calcium, existing in the marble patina. The depth at which 88Sr reaches its bulk value proved to be the best parameter to measure patina thickness. A diffusion model adopted from dissolution studies made on gravestones exposed to the atmosphere was successfully applied to the patina thickness data. The model fails to predict patina thicknesses for ancient excavated objects. However, it seems that ‘Sr alteration depth’ values alone can be used for discriminating ancient from recently buried surfaces.  相似文献   

2.
W. PROCHASKA 《Archaeometry》2013,55(2):179-197
This paper presents analytical data on a major occurrence of fine‐grained dolomitic marble in the Sivec Mountains, close to the city of Prilep in today's former Yugoslavian Republic of Macedonia. This is the first presentation of an analytical database of a large‐scale source of fine‐grained dolomitic marble, whose ancient use can be demonstrated by tool marks and archaeological evidence. Many traces of ancient mining have fallen victim to a big modern quarrying operation in this area, which for decades has produced high‐quality blocks of marble (‘Macedonian Carrara’) and exported them all over the world. A combination of different analytical methods is used to characterize the marbles and to present a database for investigating ancient artefacts made of fine‐grained dolomites. Petrographic investigations revealed the very homogeneous micro‐fabric of this marble, which is of high purity with very low silicate contamination and has a maximum grain‐size of 1 mm. In addition to analysis of the stable isotopes, trace element analyses of carbonate lattice elements (Mg, Fe, Mn and Sr) were performed. An alternative method, the analysis of the chemical composition of the inclusion fluids, was also employed. On the basis of these techniques, a multivariate discrimination analysis was performed, and a clear separation of the different dolomitic marbles (Thasos, Ephesos, Proconnesos and Karacasu) was obtained. Finds of artefacts of high artistic quality made from this dolomite prove the existence of a significant workshop in the neighbourhood of the Sivec quarries. Because of its vulnerability to weathering, this fine‐grained dolomitic marble was used preferentially for indoor applications. Sculptures of prime artistic quality made of Sivec marble have so far been found in several locations of the Republic of Macedonia.  相似文献   

3.
This paper reports the results of an archaeometric study of the local and imported marbles found in the Roman town of Cuicul (now Djemila, Algeria), a research project funded by the Sixth Framework Programme of the European Union. Of the few imported coloured lithotypes that have been found, four are of Greek origin and one was imported from Asia Minor. In addition, two other classical Roman coloured stones found on the site are probably of local North African origin (most likely one from Numidia and one from Algeria). With regard to the grey and white marbles employed in the statuary and architecture, petrographic study in thin section and the δ13C and δ18O isotopic data emphasize the frequent use of the local fine‐grained lithotype from Filfila (Skikda) together with imported Greek lithotypes (i.e., Pentelic marble, the dolomitic variety of Thasian marble, and Parian marble from Lakkoi) as well as different varieties of the so‐called ‘greco scritto’, whose provenance in some cases still remains uncertain. In fact, the petrographic and geochemical features of the marbles do not always match those known for the classical ‘greco scritto’ from the quarry of Cap de Garde, near Annaba (Algeria).  相似文献   

4.
This work presents the results of the first mineralogical, petrographical and geochemical characterization of the marble quarried from the Cap de Garde headland, not far from Annaba (Algeria). This site is traditionally held by archaeologists to be the main source of supply of the so‐called ‘greco scritto’ marble, which was much used by the Romans for architectural and decorative–ornamental purposes, locally from the first century bc , and in Rome and central and southern Italy from the late Flavian period until the fourth century ad . The databank relating to the quarried material, created here for the first time, is used to establish the origin of ‘greco scritto’ found in six important Roman cities of North Africa: Hippo Regius and Cuicul (Djemila), in Algeria; Volubilis, in Morocco; Cyrene, in Libya; and Carthage and Utica in Tunisia. The results of this archaeometric study support the hypothesis (already put forward by authors) that the ‘greco scritto’used in the Roman Mediterranean originated from different sites, and suggest the existence of a number of North African quarries, also in the vicinity of Annaba.  相似文献   

5.
Arts development policies increasingly tie funding to the potential of arts organisations to effectively deliver an array of extra‐artistic social outcomes. This paper reports on the difficulties of this work in Northern Ireland, where the arts sector, and in particular the so‐called ‘traditional arts’, have been drawn into a politically ambiguous discourse centred on the concepts of ‘mutual understanding’ and, more recently, ‘social capital’. The paper traces the recent history of these policies and the difficulties in evaluating the social outcomes of arts programs. The use of the term ‘social capital’ in the work of Putnam and Bourdieu is considered. The paper argues, through a rereading of Bourdieu’s articulation of the ‘forms’ of capital and Eagleton’s ‘ideology of the aesthetic’, the concept of social capital can be released from its current neoliberal trappings by imagining a reconnection of the concepts of ‘capital’ and ‘the aesthetic’.  相似文献   

6.
Most recent treatments of Melanesian post‐contact change have presumed that objectifications of ‘culture’ and ‘tradition’ have intensified and proliferated in response to the forces of colonialism and the penetration of the nation‐state. Harrison (2000) has recently argued, however, that in pre‐colonial times too Melanesians characteristically objectified their cultural practices and identities as ‘possessions’ that could be readily exchanged or transacted. Supposedly, the key difference between the two eras has accorded with different formulations of ‘property’: ‘private property’ and the logic of ‘possessive individualism’ in the post‐contact era; and ‘trading and gift‐exchange systems’ or ‘prestige economies’ in pre‐contact times. In this article I examine Harrison's portrayal of Melanesian cultural practices as ‘possessions’ and the notions of ‘property’ that he sees as key to the cultural objectification in both pre‐ and post‐colonial settings with reference to ethnographic and historical information regarding the North Mekeo peoples of Papua New Guinea. I argue from the perspective of the New Melanesian Ethnography that Harrison's view of pre‐contact prestige economies and trade and gift exchange systems retains several misleading a priori assumptions about ‘commodity exchange’ and, illustrating the potential of the New Melanesian Ethnography for historical applications, that he overemphasizes the extent to which post‐contact changes in cultural objectification have involved individualised and commodified forms of property. Consequently, in the case of North Mekeo, both the continuities and the changes between pre‐ and post‐contact cultural objectifications may have proceeded differently from the ways Harrison has outlined for Melanesia generally.  相似文献   

7.
Multi‐object metalwork deposits provide the foundation block for many branches of enquiry, yet surprisingly little attention has been paid to the methodological issues that underlie their analysis and interpretation. The framework outlined here aims to circumvent some of the dangers of circular argument inherent in the concepts of metalwork ‘stages’, ‘phases’ or ‘traditions’, as well as in assumptions of pan‐regional synchronizations in metalwork developments. The term ‘Assemblage’ is defined to provide a carefully circumscribed but interpretatively neutral framework for the study of metalwork groups linked by association. Assemblage subdivisions allow significant internal variations to be explored for temporal, social and cultural meanings. These analytical devices used in conjunction with ‘bubble chronologies’ allow flexibility in detailed interpretation whilst holding on to a consensually agreed near‐empirical structure. Consideration is also given to the problem of regional phase groups of metalwork that lack associations and thus preclude Assemblage definition. The case of the Penard Assemblage is salient owing to the debate about whether the ‘Wallington complex’ should be considered an integral part of it. Although the ‘Assemblage/Aspect/Group’ structure applied here can accommodate some divergence in views, available evidence supports typo‐chronological coherence between Penard and Wallington material. Occasional associations used recently to justify a ‘Limehouse phase’ between Penard to Wilburton metalwork are just as easily understood as representing a transition towards 1100 bc . The lack of associations for the Limehouse family of swords, largely contemporary with late Penard, is argued to be an accentuation of the already rare occurrence of swords in earlier associations. The depositional phenomena of the Penard Assemblage are instead centred on an array of palstaves, rapiers, spearheads, shields and gold ornaments.  相似文献   

8.
South Tyrol is an autonomous, predominantly German‐speaking province in Italy, and one of the most successful cases of power‐sharing in the world. Nevertheless, the Province recently conducted a participatory‐democratic process known as the ‘Autonomy Convention’ to debate and draft a proposal for revising the 1972 Autonomy Statute. It is the first such process with the stated intent of amending a power‐sharing arrangement, and our research questions are whether this represents a new type of consociational negotiation, and what made it possible. The answer to the first question is ‘no’, and the Convention is best seen as a ‘participatory‐ish consultation’ which had no formal power. But the problems that it faced, and the fact that it occurred at all, are evidence of consociational democracy's potential to transform conflicts. The Convention, we argue, is the result of ‘normal’, not ‘ethnic’ politics, and two generations of successful power‐sharing made that possible by desecuritising the relationship between South Tyrol's three official linguistic groups.  相似文献   

9.
Whither Geography? A Response to Finlayson's Concerns   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1       下载免费PDF全文
Prompted by Brian Finlayson's editorial, titled ‘Whither (or Wither?) Geography’, I am reminded that a review of the discipline's status and directions would be timely, using the 2002 Australia‐wide reviews in this journal as benchmarks. I welcome the thoughtful proposal for a disciplinary report to the Academy of Science recently prepared by Alaric Maude on behalf of the National Committee for Geography. I take the view that the three central issues are: firstly, flux in the discipline's ‘external relations’ in an era of interdisciplinarity, cross‐disciplinary mergers, instrumentalism, and budgetary constraints; secondly, flux in ‘internal relations’ involving subdisciplines and subcultures: and thirdly, flux in ‘vertical relations’ involving the links between secondary and tertiary Geography. It is instructive to note that the earliest disciplinary reviews, up to the 1980s, were solely directed towards bibliographic celebrations of research directions whereas recent reviews, of necessity, have been focussed on pressing issues concerning ‘Whither Geography?’. Alaric's proposal will also be issue focussed, with its emphasis on relevance and on contributions of national significance.  相似文献   

10.
The ‘right‐to‐die’ or assisted suicide debate in the UK has recently been dominated by high‐profile litigation which has brought to public attention stories of individual suffering. The most recent case is that of Tony Nicklinson who, as a result of his permanent and total paralysis which he said made his life ‘intolerable’, wanted the courts to allow a doctor to end his life. Only six days after a Judicial Review refused his request, Tony died of ‘natural’ causes. This article compares the presentation by the media of Tony's requested death with his actual death and discusses what this reveals more generally about the way in which the right‐to‐die debate is presented to the public. It argues that in a politicised debate in which the personal stories of the disabled‐dying are given airtime because of their didactic or symbolic potential, actual death becomes less important than the rights‐rhetoric surrounding death.  相似文献   

11.
Social mobilizations that are devoted to contesting development and creating alternative economic arrangements conducive to the pursuit of a dignified life have recently sprung up. Not only do they criticize the current state of affairs but they actively seek and experience new ways of living, inspired by what Bloch calls the anticipatory consciousness of the ‘not‐yet‐become’, that is, another reality not yet materialized but which can be already experienced. This article argues that these mobilizations are not adequately captured by the term ‘social movements’. The uniqueness of these mobilizations requires a conceptual and epistemological turn that is able to accommodate the post‐development critique of development as well as their emancipatory dimension. We propose to name them ‘hope movements’ to account for the collective action directed to anticipate, imperfectly, alternative realities that arise from the openness of the present one. We conclude by discussing the political relevance of hope movements for the pursuit of the good life as an alternative to development.  相似文献   

12.
13.
As concept, policy and practice, affirmative action in Australia has continued to be the subject of political dissension. Currently, Liberal Party policy promises to dismantle the Affirmative Action Agency, while the Labor Government has recently added contract compliance guidelines to the 1986 Act Effective analysis of this institution requires that the political contingencies of policy‐framing and implementation be related to the micropolitics of the workplace. This article begins such an analysis. I argue that the current shape of the legislation enforces its projection as a top‐down ‘policy of persuasion’, a move which reflects and enhances the rhetoric and practices that serve relative advantages to men. Nevertheless, my critique of a ‘best practice’ organisation suggests something more: a dissonance between their expectations and their hostile reception in the workplace can prompt women to mobilise against the imposition of that advantage.  相似文献   

14.
The use of the phrase ‘resource wars’ covers an ever‐widening list of categories that range from minerals and oil to rhino horn, timber and much more; anchored around this milieu are phrases like ‘natural security’ and ‘environmental security’. While this proliferation has splintered the identity of the phrase ‘resource wars’, the more worrying impact is that it has allowed governments to ignore pressing problems related to biodiversity and the environment because the solutions are deemed too complex, time‐consuming, and expensive with indeterminate outcomes. However, failing to address these problems not only increases the risk of conflict but also leads to a lack of trust in governments with the result that they risk being seen as ‘the enemy of the people’. A first step to avoid this negative spiral should be to rethink the phrase ‘resource wars’.  相似文献   

15.
The evident failures of international peacebuilding and statebuilding interventions (PSBIs) have recently prompted a focus on the interaction between interventions and target societies and states. Especially popular has been the ‘hybridity’ approach, which understands forms of peace and governance emerging through the mixing of local and international agendas and institutions. This article argues that hybridity is a highly problematic optic. Despite contrary claims, hybridity scholarship falsely dichotomizes ‘local’ and ‘international’ ideal‐typical assemblages, and incorrectly presents outcomes as stemming from conflict and accommodation between them. Scholarship in political geography and state theory provides better tools for explaining PSBIs’ outcomes as reflecting socio‐political contestation over power and resources. We theorize PSBIs as involving a politics of scale, where different social forces promote and resist alternative scales and modes of governance, depending on their interests and agendas. Contestation between these forces, which may be located at different scales and involved in complex, tactical, multi‐scalar alliances, explains the uneven outcomes of international intervention. We demonstrate this using a case study of East Timor, focusing on decentralization and land policy.  相似文献   

16.
Since the coup of May 2000 an estimated 24,000 Indo‐Fijians have left Fiji, the majority of them moving to Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the US. Those who remain in Fiji have faced increasing marginalisation as the government of Prime Minister Qarase has proposed significant reforms to both the administration of land and Constitutional arrangements of political representation. The situation has been further compounded through Qarase's recently proposed ‘Unity Bill’, which would grant amnesty to some of those responsible for the 2000 coup. These reforms are all part of an effort to ensure the ‘paramountcy’ of indigenous Fijians as well as to limit Indo‐Fijian participation in Fijian national politics. In this paper, I employ Greenhouse's concept of ‘empirical citizenship’ to analyse Indo‐Fijian responses to their political marginalisation in Fiji. After considering how national identities and sentiments of belonging are expressed in Indo‐Fijian discourse through the symbolic inter‐connection of the land and the Indo‐Fijian body, I argue that even if Indo‐Fijians are openly willing to recognize indigenous Fijian supremacy in national politics and the project of nation‐making, assertions of their right to live and labour on Fijian land constitute claims to ‘citizenship’ that are highly contestable in Fiji's current political climate.  相似文献   

17.
Understood as mimetic portrayals of the image of unlimited good projected by European colonial culture, Melanesian ‘cargo cults’ are therefore viewed as ‘irrational’ within indigenous understandings. Consequently, Western anthropological discourse has sought to functionally normalize and nativize ‘cargo cult’ behaviors at the expense of denying their non‐rational character. The result has been a lexical and semantic uncertainty and explanatory instability in ‘cargo cult’ discourse that can be analyzed as a type of discursive ‘madness.’ A strategy of reading the ‘madness’ of ‘cargo cult’ discourse is outlined and applied to key anthropological texts, in particular Peter Worsley's The Trumpet Shall Sound.  相似文献   

18.
19.
The Civil War North presents an interesting case study of the relationship between a highly politicized public sphere and partisan electoral politics. Although the two‐party system remained intact throughout the war, the concept and practice of partisanship was challenged by the social experience of Northerners who ‘acted politically’ when they took part in the war effort. The creation of a mass citizen army and the mobilization of women and men on the home front meant that parties lost their function as the crucial mediating channel between citizen and government. The more that politics mattered, the less partisanship seemed to be relevant. The war exposed the latent non‐partisan political energies of Northern society. These conclusions bolster the arguments of those scholars who, questioning whether partisanship was as deep or as widespread as previously supposed, have begun to suggest that the ‘party period paradigm’ does not capture the entirety of the nineteenth‐century political experience.  相似文献   

20.
Hornell's publications on ‘native watercraft’ form a unique ‘library’ dealing with boatbuilding and boat use. His quest for the origins of water transport, on the other hand, was unsuccessful. In a clarification of the issues involved, Hasslöf criticized Hornell's use of the term ‘carvel’ and proposed ‘shell‐first’ and ‘skeleton‐first’ as best able to characterize boatbuilding traditions. Those terms subsequently gave way to ‘plank‐first’ and ‘frame‐first’. Certain north‐west European vessels, each built in both those sequences, were identified by Hasslöf as a link between ‘plank‐first’ and ‘frame‐first’. Such a transition would have been facilitated by the use of ‘framing‐first’, a building sequence used in north‐west Europe and in the eastern Mediterranean from the early 1st millennia AD.  相似文献   

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