从身份到契约:中世纪晚期英格兰领主附庸关系的变化

中世纪西欧领主附庸关系是构成西欧封建社会的核心要素之一,它与采邑制一起构成了西欧封建社会的基本内涵。领主附庸关系是指以"采邑"为纽带结成的权利与义务关系。附庸与领主之间不仅有身份差距,他们的关系还包含一定的契约因素。中世纪晚期,领主附庸关系的根基与内容都在发生变化,附庸在经济上与政治上的独立性增强,对领主的人身依附性减弱,甚至逐渐退化为一种象征意义,他们之间的身份等级基调褪色,契约精神强化,双方由领主与附庸的身份关系逐步向平等的契约关系发展,英格兰随之迈进现代社会。     

中世纪西欧工资劳动市场再探——以产生时间和原因为中心

新人口论认为中世纪中期工资劳动市场的快速扩张来自人口过剩,而马克思主义史学家则将中世纪晚期工资劳动市场的形成归结为封建主义危机和资本主义兴起。尽管上述观点不无道理,但都不能从整体上解释中世纪西欧工资劳动市场的存在。中世纪不同时期,领主庄园、农民家庭和工商业者作坊或商店对工资劳动市场均有不同程度的需求,因而需求拉动是中世纪西欧尤其是英国的工资劳动者比例居高不下的主要原因。中世纪西欧工资劳动市场是农民和工商业者的家庭劳动力和领主庄园的农奴劳役的重要补充,而并非一种异己力量,只有当条件适合时才会转变为资本主义雇佣劳动市场。     

抵抗权:欧洲封建主义的历史遗产

西罗马帝国覆灭后,欧洲公共权力分散,面对内外安全威胁,在特定的历史条件下,社会产生了一种自下而上的、以个人关系为纽带的军事防御体系,即欧洲封建制度(Feudalism).该统治方式的特点在于,其基本关系不是国王与臣民,而是领主与附庸.领主与附庸双方都有可以享有的权利和必须履行的义务,均受封建法保护.附庸的权利得到法律认可和保护,其逻辑的演绎势必产生维护权利的主张,此即欧洲著名“抵抗权”的起点,从而孕育着欧洲封建制最深刻的内在矛盾.西欧中世纪的阶级斗争或等级斗争,不仅诉诸暴力,也诉诸法庭,“谈判”与“妥协”成为解决社会冲突的重要选项.从这种解决社会冲突的方式中,西欧封建主义获得了其最重要的历史遗产.“大宪章”的斗争模式反复出现,使欧洲社会不断调整和更新,而且反复小、社会发展成本低.     

千年之变:一种西欧封建社会解释的兴衰

"千年之变"或"封建变革"是由乔治·杜比率先阐发,经P.图贝尔和P.博纳西等人发展的一种关于西欧封建社会生成与演变的解释模式。这一模式改变了传统的封建社会诞生的年代学,将西欧封建变革的关键时期放在公元千年前后到11世纪中期;认为封建制度的产生是加洛林国家解体、公共权力蜕变为领主私人统治权的结果;在封建化造成的暴力和混乱之中,传统的社会关系被重构并形成新的社会阶层。20世纪的最后10年中,这种变革论受到多方面的批评,批评者强调千年之变是对当时新的书写文化的误读;千年前后的社会演变不是与加洛林秩序的突然断裂;变革派关于封建混乱的理解,是透过现代政治的棱镜观察中世纪而产生的误解。     

浅析中世纪晚期西欧官吏阶层的产生

中世纪晚期西欧人身依附关系逐渐松弛,人们在城市生活中建立起以利益为核心的社会秩序。对构建公共权力的需要促使西欧各国开始通过议会走上建立统一的、中央集权国家的道路。官吏阶层的产生正是这一进程的产物。这些人不同于以往向领主个人效忠的封臣,他们接受过大学教育并领取薪俸,而且担负起由公共权力赋予的事务。官吏阶层在法律秩序的统一、国家公共职能的确立等方面发挥了重要作用,成为西欧社会结构变革的重要组成部分。     

"封建主义的悖论"与中古西欧封建国家

封建主义范式的主流叙事,强调封臣一封土两大基石对中古西欧封建国家的主导作用。“封建主义的悖论”则以另类的叙事,揭示封建国家诸多准封建或者非封建的特征。悖论现象反映了西方封建主义范式的理论危机。     

“逃亡农奴建立城市”说质疑

在对中世纪西欧城市的研究中,我国史学界流行着一种“逃亡农奴建立城市”的观点,按照这一观点,在10—11世纪的西欧,随着生产的发展,农业与手工业逐渐分离,在封建庄园内部出现了专门的手工业者,这些农奴身份的手工业者不堪忍受封建领主的压迫而出逃,逃亡者的聚居之地就形成了城市的前身。为了防御侵略,逃亡的手工业者们又在自己的聚居地建造了城墙,许多中世纪的城市就这样产生了。这种观点的流行显然与50年代苏联史学界对我国的影响不无联系。苏联著作中叙述中世纪西     

中世纪西欧城市与私人财产权利的发展

中世纪西欧城市人的私人财产权利在城市早期受封建领主的各种侵犯和制约。私人财产权利的发展主要包括两个互相联系的内容,一是财产的不可侵犯性的发展,即城市摆脱了外在的对财产的封建性侵扰,并建立了抵制这种侵扰的机制;二是不自由人对自身劳动力的所有权的获得以及对城市土地的权利向市民私人所有权的趋近。这一切,都以城市在政治上不同程度的独立为前提     

论冈绍夫的狭义封建主义——为冈绍夫《何为封建主义》中译本出版作

《何为封建主义》是研讨西欧封建主义的经典。作者弗朗索瓦·冈绍夫在书中用"封建主义"一词指代西欧中世纪一套特定的法律关系或制度,即"封土—封臣"体系,他称之为狭义封建主义。西方学者大都坚持狭义封建主义,不过在何者为这套体系的核心要素上并没有共识。冈绍夫界定并集中阐释了作为"封土—封臣"体系的封建主义,指出封建主义的实质是一套法律关系。在狭义封建说的理路内,冈绍夫的封建主义定义是最严格的,其内涵也是最清晰的。冈绍夫的狭义封建与布洛赫的广义封建显著不同,然而这种不同不意味着对立,不同的背后是共性。"封土—封臣"体系既是冈绍夫定义的封建主义概念的实质,也是整个非马克思主义的封建主义概念和模式的理论基点。20世纪后半叶以来,不少论者挑战和反思封建主义概念,冈绍夫狭义封建主义的价值与局限应置于新学术语境下看待。     

论12—15世纪英国农奴的实际生活状况

对于西方中世纪的农奴问题,学界一直争议不断,一些学者认为农奴生活贫困潦倒,受封建领主的剥削,在法律上无任何权利可言,生活极其悲惨;但另有一部分学者认为西方农奴的生活没有想象中那么贫困,实际收入情况也较好,因为在西方学者看来,英国的封建制度较为完善,是西欧封建制度的典型,11—13世纪的西欧封建社会处于鼎盛时期,农奴制已成形,但同时期英国的农奴相较于其他西欧各国农奴的地位和状况却有所不同,英国农奴也是最先摆脱了农奴身份走出中世纪的社会阶层,本文将从英国农奴的法律地位和生产生活状况两方面来探究农奴问题,分析出现这种状况的原因。     

European private law and the challenge of plural legal subjectivities

This paper argues that the approach to questions of authority, legitimacy, and personal identity characteristic of contemporary European law presents a paradox. The power of the legal project that emerged after the French Revolution lay in its deployment of the notion of abstract legal subjectivity to challenge claimed authority. Much is made of the public law dimensions of this revolutionary moment—the creation of political constitutions establishing national citizenship and human rights standards. But the transposition of abstract legal subjectivity into the private law through national social constitutions like Civil Codes has been far less successful. Abstract legal subjectivity in public law regimes necessarily privileges some personal identities over others in its construction of citizenship. These privileged identities of public law citizenship limit how legal subjects can express their identities in the private law. The paper proposes an alternative, pluralist, theorization of the diverse, iterative character of everyday human interaction that gives content to the idea of legal subjectivity in the private law. It seeks to reconcile a public law of abstract, unitary citizenship with a private law of plural legal subjectivities in a manner that advances the project of democratic constitutionalism.     

中国近现代观念起源研究和数据库方法

从1997年开始,我们在若干研究计划支持下,建立了1830年至1930年间的中国近现代思想史研究专业数据库,并曾利用这一数据库,发表了数篇以“共和”、“民主”、“权利”、“个人”、“社会”、“经济”和“科学”等关键词为分析对象的论文,探讨这些重要现代观念在中国的起源和演变以及它们与重大历史事件的关系。数据库方法不仅可以为观念史研究提供更准确的基础,而且,进一步的分析疏理,还可以对以往某些公认的观点做出修正或质疑。中国近现代思想变迁大致可分为如下三阶段:1840年至1900年为中国传统政治思想对西方现代思想选择性吸收时期;1901年至1915年是儒家思想退到家族私领域,而在公共领域全面学习西方的阶段;1915年至1925年为第三阶段,正是在这第三阶段,学习引进西方现代制度带来的问题,引发了知识界对民主、权利、社会等重要观念的重构,形成了中国当代思想。     

Religion and the cultural public sphere: the case of the Finnish liberal intelligentsia during the turmoil of the early twentieth century

The political public sphere is at one and the same time both public, and private and religion operates in both the public and the private spheres in the modern way of life. This article approaches the dynamics between the cultural and the political public sphere from the point of view of religion; how the cultural intelligentsia developed its worldview fuelled with attitudes towards religion in times of political turmoil. The case study, based on the empirical analysis of cultural periodicals and societies around them, concerns the Finnish liberal intelligentsia in the early twentieth century. The first decade of the 1900s was a particularly important period of formation for the Finnish public sphere; the societal turmoil highlighted the importance of cultural periodicals in defining what was important for the national public sphere. The case of religion is an illustrative example of it, particularly from the point of view of the liberal intelligentsia of the era.     

From local economic initiatives to marriages a la mode?: Western Australia and Tasmania in comparative perspective

This paper presents a model of United Kingdom local economic development characterised by a grassroots orientation and partnership between public and private actors—marriages à la mode. It then offers research findings on the emergence of Local Economic Initiatives (LEIs) from Western Australia and Tasmania. Factors in the structure of their respective political economies appear to have made for a speedier adoption in Western Australia than Tasmania of such alternative policy characteristics as a grassroots participatory approach to policy design and implementation, which is underwritten to a considerable extent by non earmarked public funds. Over and above the structural factors, an Australia‐wide network of LEI enthusiasts, within and outside government, has encouraged imitation of the Western Australian policy innovation in Tasmania. The marriages a la mode model has not been fully replicated in Australia, however, by virtue of the relatively low profile of business organisations in LEIs.     

Canada and the political geographies of rights

For some observers, liberal rights are politically disempowering, while for others they can provide a basis for mobilization, resistance and the formation of counter-publics. Yet neither of these claims says much about the geography of rights, which provides the focus for our discussion. Rights are geographical in several senses: rights are often about access to space or place; in liberal societies, geographies of private and public shape access to rights; space naturalizes social relations; the politics of scale open up new debates about and strategies for attaining rights within and beyond Canada; and places are both defined and called upon in struggles over rights. In an exploration of two Canadian case studies - gentrification in Vancouver and the status of Filipina domestic workers - we examine the ways in which the geography of rights proves consequential to dominant and oppositional rights claiming. We briefly lay out the meaning and significance of rights, before a discussion of their political significance in the Canadian context.     

An analysis of technological potential and regional development processes in Rhône — Alpes

A region's technology potential can be developed in three ways: public finding; private investment (by business); and an intermediate area which ensures coherence between the public and private sectors, and which is mainly to be seen in interface structures between universities and business. After presenting these ways for Rhône‐Alpes, the paper introduces the regional policy to promote science and technology. According to French centralized political structure, the regional government acts as a lever. The region's innovation‐oriented policy, which should not be confused with a research‐oriented policy, has the impact of aiming all action at improving the technological environment of business, and at facilitating their economic development by integrating new technologies. Similarities between Rhône‐Alpes and Baden‐Würtemberg have led these two regions to cooperate increasingly in the fields of science and technology. The ‘four motor‐regions for Europe’ (with Lombardia and Catalonia) experiment in the field of new‐material investment cooperation could be useful if we think of the process aimed at strengthening integration in the European Community.     

When the personal becomes political: using legal reform to combat violence against women in Ethiopia

This article focuses on Ethiopia's first civil society organisation, the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA), which has been campaigning for legal reform to secure women's rights and address violence against women. Implementing legal changes to benefit women in Ethiopia is impeded by difficulties in using the formal legal system, by poverty and deeply embedded gender inequalities, by plural legal systems, and by entrenched cultural norms. However, the article argues that the most significant challenge is the increasing degree of authoritarianism in Ethiopian state politics, that this is crucial in determining the space for activism, and that this shapes the successful implementation of legal change. The research shows how women's activism around personal rights challenges public/private and personal/political boundaries and can be seen as a political threat by governments in contexts where democracy and rule of the law are not embedded, leading to repression of women's activism and hindering the implementation of measures to protect women's rights when states become more authoritarian. Little is known empirically about the impact of democratisation on the implementation of measures to protect women's rights in Africa. This article shows how the emergence of democracy and legal reform intersects with the emergence of women's rights, especially with respect to gender-based violence. It shows how trying to secure women's personal right to be free from violence through the law is profoundly political and argues that the nature of democratisation really matters in terms of the implementation of measures such as legal changes designed to protect women's rights.     

LGBT Advocacy and Transnational Funding in Singapore and Malaysia

LGBT advocacy is an emergent site attracting transnational funding from an expanded set of donor types that now include private corporations, national governments, NGOs, intergovernmental organizations and public–private partnerships. This article discusses LGBT advocacy as involving an expanded range of issues that go beyond a traditional focus on HIV/AIDS prevention. The geographical focus is on Singapore and Malaysia, two Southeast Asian countries where homosexuality is officially illegal. Alongside the global politics of LGBT rights, previous critiques about external funding and North/South asymmetries in transnational aid raise questions about its effectiveness for transformative socio‐political change, and its political and theoretical implications. Three case studies are examined: Pink Dot Singapore, and the PT Foundation and Kuala Lumpur activist workshops in Malaysia. The data demonstrate the capacity for transnational support to contribute to grassroots activism and coalitional politics. However, significant observable outcomes are currently limited, partly because most of the grants are modest, and Singapore and Malaysia's high‐ and middle‐income status excludes them from various funding bodies. Furthermore, domestic resistance to transnational funding has emerged, constituting more widespread discourses in which anti‐LGBT sentiment is framed in terms of opposing Western encroachments and the dominance of the global North.     

近年来学术界对"封建"及"封建社会"问题的反思

在新时期,越来越多的学者认为中国只有在西周时期才有封建制。从秦到晚清的社会不应被称为“封建社会”。在这一阶段,社会状况与西欧中世纪的封建社会并不相同,也与斯大林所概括的以经济为特征的封建社会有较大的距离。他们批评滥用“封建”的现象,并力图用新的概念来代替“封建社会”,用新的理论体系描述从秦到晚清的历史。一些学者还注意到,中国古代社会的主要矛盾不能简单地归结为地主阶级与农民阶级的矛盾。可以预料,关于封建社会的认识必将有重大的突破。