浅谈全球化对发展中国家的利弊

随着全球各国在政治、经济、文化、社会、科技、军事等方面越来越相互依存,密不可分,全球化的趋势已经不可逆转了。在全球化的进程中,世界各地区发挥着自己的优势,实现全球资源和生产要素合理配置,推动世界的发展,特别是世界经济的发展。     

论俄罗斯的石油经济

俄罗斯联邦的石油经济,是在俄罗斯帝国及苏联石油经济基础上形成的,石油外交主要通过石油公司实施。俄罗斯石油外交呈现出与苏联石油外交不同的特点。俄罗斯联邦时期石油外交主要由国家掌控;石油公司的对外石油贸易兼有实现国家外交政策目标的重任;国际石油贸易中俄罗斯与其他国家之间争夺与合作并存。石油经济对俄罗斯的经济、政治、外交影响很大。石油出口刺激俄罗斯经济的增长,石油政治与石油外交既影响俄罗斯外交政策决策,也受到对外战略的制约。后冷战时期,俄罗斯以石油扩张弥补地缘政治的削弱,但国家经济过分依赖石油出口也带来负面影响。     

关于加强事业单位人事管理工作的思考

事业单位以服务性、公益性和知识密集性特征,主要分布在教育、科技、文化、卫生等领域,是国家政治、经济、文化生活得以正常运行的社会保障系统。专业技术人才是事业单位的主要人员构成,运用现代科技和文化知识为社会提供服务是事业单位的主要职能。适应当代社会的发展趋势,切实做好新形势下事业单位的人事管理工作,对于实现全面建成小康社会目标具有重要的意义。     

郑州市科技创新发展的问题与对策研究

"十四五"时期,是"两个一百年"奋斗目标的历史交汇期,第二个百年奋斗目标要开篇,科技是经济实现高质量发展的关键推动力量,作为国家中心城市、中原城市群核心城市,郑州市对科技创新发展提出了更加迫切的需求.本文从郑州市科技创新发展的基础与现状入手,对标其他国家中心城市及周边省会城市,分析了郑州市科技创新发展现存的问题与短板,...     

传播社会主义核心价值观 提升中国国家形象

国家形象对于一个国家的政治、经济、社会、文化、生态发展至关重要。社会主义核心价值观与国家形象的提升是有机统一、相辅相成的。社会主义核心价值观从国家、社会和个人三个层面向世界展示了中国作为一个发展大国,实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦的价值观,是国家的立国价值之本,是中国国家形象构建的灵魂和核心,为有效提升中国国家形象提供了一个崭新的实现路径。     

波兰体制转轨的文化因素刍议

冷战后波兰在政治、经济、军事等方面推行一系列新的政策和措施,使波兰的国家体制实现了平稳转轨。波兰体制转轨的原因是多方面的,其中文化因素是一个不可忽视的原因之一。     

中国东北地区与俄罗斯远东地区及蒙古人民共和国产业合作开发研究

本文从产业结构分析出发,研究了东北亚经济区中一个特殊区域上三个国家间经济技术合作的政治和经济基础,指出了区域间经济技术合作的资源互补性、产业发展差异性、科技水平各具优势特征和经济发展水平差异性等现状特征,提出了中国东北地区与俄罗斯远东地区及蒙古人民共和国在经济技术合作的产业方向。     

问责制中的政治责任检视

从政治多元涵义的角度来检视,政治责任的内涵可以界定为:掌握国家公共权力的政治责任主体应履行好对政治、经济、文化等事项的管理义务,正确处理好人民内部矛盾,服务于经济建设的大局,最终实现人民群众的根本利益。反之,就要承担接受谴责、处罚直至丧失行使国家公共权力的消极后果。其中,掌握国家公共权力是承担政治责任的前提,有无违背人民群众的根本利益是是否承担政治责任的核心标准。     

全面提高国家文化软实力

文化乃民族精神的根本,在国家文化建设中强调提高文化软实力,既是坚持科学发展观理论指导的具体表现,也是建设社会主义精神文明,全面建设小康社会的必然要求和重要内容。新时期,国家在强调增强政治、经济、军事、科技等“硬实力”的同时,提高“文化软实力”在综合国力竞争中的地位和作用也表现得尤为突出。科学发展观理论强调,全面提高文化软实力就是要把中国特色社会主义的文化建设放到包括经济、政治、社会乃至人的全面自由发展等诸多方面来理解和把握。     

从宋朝的货币政策看纸币的流通

国家的货币政策是国家调节和控制货币供应量的一种金融政策,它符合商品经济的市场规律,如果违反这些特点,国家经济就会走向衰败。宋朝的货币经济特点不是以商品交换的经济规律为杠杆,而是以政府政治行为为基础,并通过财政运作来实现目的的一种经济手段。纸币的流通大大缓解了财政需求,促进了社会经济的繁荣。但国家垄断纸币的发行量,纸币由兑换纸币变成了不兑换纸币,最终导致通货膨胀、纸币贬值,成了宋朝经济崩溃的导火索。     

Middle power strategic choices and horizontal security cooperation: the 2009 Australia-South Korea security cooperation agreement

ABSTRACT

This article examines why Asia-Pacific middle powers cooperate with each other on security issues. The article challenges the assumption that middle powers are primarily influenced by great-power structural factors in their security relations with each other. It argues that the dominant structural explanations of security cooperation between secondary states—balancing against the rise of China, responding to burden-sharing pressure from the United States, or hedging during a period of great power transition—have not been sufficiently tested. Using the 2009 Australia-South Korea security cooperation agreement as a representative example of middle power security cooperation, it finds that inter-personal leadership preferences played a key intervening role in filtering existing structural incentives into actual policy cooperation. It shows how congruence in leadership preferences shapes when and with whom middle powers are likely to cooperate on security issues. The article opens up the research agenda on middle powers by examining how they approach security relations in bilateral and horizontal contexts with each other.     

The power of words: the changing role of the Italian head of state during the Second Republic

Many authors use the metaphor of an accordion to describe the enlargement of the constitutional functions of the Italian head of state: because of the weakness of the political parties the president is able to ‘open and play the accordion’ according to his own interpretation of his institutional powers. While useful, this metaphor does not take into account the structural changes that have occurred over the last 30 years, as well as the informal powers that recent presidents have resorted to, which were the most important factors in the metamorphosis of the presidential figure. Structural changes include the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the First Republic and the mediatisation and personalisation of politics and party structure. Informal powers include those of ‘esternazione’ (a term that roughly means ‘to render public personal statements without previous consultation with the cabinet’) and of moral suasion. By analysing the development of these two powers, this article aims to describe the changing role of the head of state during the Second Republic. It also defines a typology of presidential moral suasion, which is proposed as a useful tool to analyse presidential style and strategy in influencing law-making. The analysis of the innovative use of communicative powers by the last two presidents, Ciampi and Napolitano, shows how the transformation of the Italian presidency can probably be considered permanent.     

Of Once and Future Kings: Rethinking the Anglo-American Analogy in the Rising Powers Debate

This paper seeks to advance the so-called rising powers debate of the past 15 years by interrogating its selective use of the past. Key to the debate are the impact of rising powers like China on the international order, and how to accommodate them. Historiography plays a crucial but unappreciated role in the debate, as scholars look to the past to make sense of the future. Especially in the United States, many compare the US now to Great Britain before 1940, the idea being that both faced the same difficulties of decline relative to rising challengers. This is the core case of power transition theory in the field of International Relations. It is also, fundamentally, weak. As I show, it relies on a ‘long chronology’ of British decline that the past quarter-century of historical scholarship on twentieth-century Britain has undermined. I instead propose a ‘short chronology’ of the transition away from Britain that emphasizes agency and contingency over structure and the longue durée. Bringing the work of historians to the rising powers debate thus indicates that the key factors to study are not grand systemic forces, but short-term politics and diplomacy.     

How best to drain the alchemist's cauldron: A study of the problem of marine pollution in Australia

There exists a significant problem of marine pollution in the Commonwealth of Australia. The present paper attempts to explore three aspects of this problem: the scientific, legislative, and probative. With respect to the scientific, the kinds (eg hydrocarbons, toxic metals, and viruses and bacteria) and sources (eg ship‐source and dumping) of marine pollution are examined. With respect to the legislative, the Offshore Constitutional Settlement 1979, as well as relevant‐ Commonwealth and state (Victoria and New South Wales) legislation are studied. Finally with respect to the probative, three solutions including cooperative, bottom‐up and top‐down ones are proposed and, at least in the case of the first of these, evaluated. The paper finds that the problem of marine pollution is rooted more in the federal nature of the Australian constitution than in the concurrent (as distinguished from coordinate) nature of the powers of the Commonwealth and states under this same constitution.     

The Expansion of Emergency Powers: Social Conflict and the Military in Indonesia

The exercise of emergency powers is always controversial. This article identifies the expansion of the type and scope of emergency powers through legislative reform. It does so by examining the Indonesian Law on Social Conflict 2012, which allows a state of social conflict to be declared at the national, regional or local level in response to social conflict, such as conflict between religious or ethnic communities. The deliberate choice of the term “state of social conflict”, rather than “state of emergency”, is an attempt to obscure the nature of these powers. Analysis of these powers and the debate that has ensued suggests that the law expands the types of situation in which powers usually only reserved for an emergency are used, and by delegating this power to local authorities, the law in effect amounts to the expansion of emergency powers. I suggest that this should lead to renewed focus on meaningful limits and checks on the exercise of power during times of emergency.     

再论泰国免于沦为殖民地的原因

近代以来,东南亚广大地区纷纷沦为西方列强的殖民地.泰国则是东南亚地区惟一免于沦为殖民地的国家.国内外学者对这一特例进行了较多的分析探讨.本文评述了前人提出的几种原因,在此基础上,又从国际格局、东亚秩序、国际交往规则、殖民性质与殖民政策等新的角度,对这一问题进行了新的考察,并分析了这些原因在泰国不同时期各自发挥的作用.     

论清政府在洋务运动时期的维持和局之策

在第二次鸦片战争至甲午战争的洋务时期,清政府为阻止列强新的攫取、侵犯而又维持中外和平局面,提出并实施了各种外交策略。一是以已经签订的条约为依据,据理力争;二是备战以威慑列强;三是利用列强之间的矛盾以夷制夷。这些策略取得了一些成效,同时也产生了一些不利后果。     

Science for Competition among Powers: Geographical Knowledge,Colonial-Diplomatic Networks,and the Scramble for Africa**

Historical studies on the relationship between science and diplomacy tend to focus on events since World War II and on initiatives for the maintenance of peace or to achieve cooperation over contentious matters. This article presents the case of José Vicente Barbosa du Bocage (1823–1907), a Portuguese zoologist who had formal diplomatic responsibilities in a context of competition for the colonization of Africa in the nineteenth century. He used his knowledge in African geography to implement colonial and diplomatic strategies that aimed at outcompeting rival powers. The development of a network of actors with scientific, colonial, and diplomatic expertise was crucial for the negotiations that involved the partition of the Congo basin, which resulted in victories for Portugal that surpassed the country's marginal political relevance at the international level and had long-lasting consequences.     

晚清东北商埠格局变迁研究

晚清东北商埠格局历经萌芽、雏形、形成、发展四个阶段的变迁进程。此格局在变迁过程中呈现出商埠地域分布以沿交通线为主、类型的多样性及发展的不平衡性等特点。晚清东北商埠格局的变迁,对区域社会经济产生了深远影响：从晚清东北开埠进程看,东北开放区域是伴随着列强侵略的步步深入而渐次增大的;随着东北对外开放空间的拓延,近代化因素透过商埠窗口逐渐渗入东北社会,商埠发展客观上推动了东北区域的近代化路程。