试析朝鲜战俘遣返谈判中的苏联因素

苏联作为朝鲜战争的非交战方,在朝鲜战俘遣返谈判过程中发挥了什么样的作用,是本文关注的焦点.文章通过对近年来俄罗斯解密的相关档案和相关研究成果分析认为,苏联在遣返朝鲜战俘问题上,不仅对中朝方面决策的制定具有指导作用,而且对中朝之间的分歧具有调解作用.遣返战俘问题被提交到联合国讨论时,苏联是中朝在联合国舞台上有力的支持者.斯大林去世以后,苏联对朝鲜战争政策的调整,很大程度上促成了遣返战俘问题的解决.由此可见,在遣返战俘问题的谈判中,苏联作为一种外部因素确实发挥了重要作用,并对朝鲜停战的实现产生了重要影响.     

志愿军战俘艰苦卓绝的斗争

翻开2008年第1期<纵横>杂志,一篇题为<与"志愿军战俘"的韩国之行>的文章一下子吸引住我的注意力.文中说:"抗美援朝战争迄今已经过去了半个多世纪,但在这场战争中有一批人不幸成为‘志愿军战俘',他们在被俘期间的斗争经历和生命沧桑却鲜为人知……"看到这里,作为一个了解当年战俘斗争全过程的知情人和见证人,我的眼眶不禁湿润了.     

二战期间日军战俘管理制度研究——以日军沈阳盟军战俘营为中心

本文通过探讨二战时期日军在沈阳设立的关押英美盟军战俘营的管理体制、战俘劳役、红十字国际委员会驻日代表对其视察等,研究日军在二战期间的战俘管理体制和政策,提出了二战时期日军对待中国战俘和英美战俘存在着明显的国别歧视问题。     

第二次世界大战时期日军对盟军的战俘政策析论——以沈阳盟军战俘营的日美战俘信息交换为例

深入探讨二战时期日军对盟军的战俘政策,可以了解当时日军的战争态度,以及日本国家集体层面的对美英态度.沈阳盟军战俘营为二战时期日军在中国大陆设立的唯一一所关押英美盟军战俘的战俘营,通过对日美之间围绕该战俘营的战俘信息交换的研究,对于了解日军对盟军的战俘政策具有典型性.本文认为日军对待美英战俘基本遵守了国际战俘公约①,然而日军对待中国战俘却没有遵守相关国际公约,存在着明显的虐俘行为.因此,探讨导致其差别的深层历史原因具有重要意义.     

论二战前期日本战俘的战争观

二战时期,日本的战俘对战争的观点是独特的,而且,在战争的前期与后期又存在着不同。在战争的前期,他们是孤傲的,对于战争,他们极端热爱,从不认为自己的行为有什么不妥,这样的战争观与他们所处的环境是分不开的。     

战俘劳动与战后苏联国民经济的恢复北大核心CSSCI

二战期间苏联俘虏了大量战俘,为了弥补国内劳动力的严重不足,尽快恢复和重建国民经济,抵补战俘关押开支,战后苏联在建筑、伐木、采矿和冶金等多个领域中使用战俘劳动。随着战后苏联物资供给状况和劳动条件的改善,劳动组织形式的改进和奖惩措施的出台,以及反法西斯宣传和政治教育工作的持续开展,战俘的敌对情绪逐渐消解,劳动积极性和劳动效率不断提高。战俘不仅弥补了战后苏联劳动力的严重不足,还为战后苏联经济的恢复和重建做出了一定贡献。     

志愿军管理战俘略记

我于1925年生于山西省洪洞县。1949年初由清华大学外文系参加南下工作团。同年随解放军参加解放湖南、广西的战争。1950年冬。奉总政之令由广西北上出国参加抗美援朝,曾先后在志愿军政治部俘虏管理处、朝鲜停战谈判代表团、志愿军政治部敌军工作部三单工作,亲自参与了战俘的管理教育及停战谈判中的战俘遣返等事务。现将志愿军管理联合国军战俘的情况,作一简要回忆。     

志愿军优待战俘纪实

当全世界纷纷谴责驻伊美军虐待俘虏的不人道行为的当儿,有必要让世人了解一下我国志愿军是如何优待战俘的。笔者采访了当年在朝鲜战争期间曾担任中国人民志愿军战俘营5团副政委的周柏生同志,他具体讲述了当年我军优待战俘的工作。     

英国与朝鲜停战谈判中的战俘遣返问题

作为美国的主要盟友,英国和美国一样主张战俘的"非强制遣返"。但是英国出于促成尽快停战,应对议会下院反对派的压力和确保英国及英联邦国家的战俘尽快安全获释的考虑,英国保守党政府不仅反对强制遣返,也反对强制扣留战俘。而且与丘吉尔首相过分强调战俘遣返问题的"人道"立场、政治价值及英美特殊关系不同,艾登主导的外交部主张抑制美国在战俘遣返问题上的僵硬立场,意欲灵活处理战俘问题,打开停战谈判僵局。英国既非强制遣返、也非强制扣留战俘的立场,以及其在东西方之间的斡旋,在一定程度上有助于战俘遣返问题的解决。     

鸦片战争时期中英之间的“情报战”

鸦片战争时期,清政府基于经济上的自给自足,对外闭关锁国,以"天朝上国"自居,不屑于对夷情、夷事的了解,情报观念淡漠,致使情报搜集粗简,分析、预判失措,严重影响了战争进程。而英国深知情报对于战争的意义,多方搜集,严密分析,合理预判,最终迫使清政府签订了丧权辱国的《南京条约》。     

‘Barbarity more suited to Savages’: British soldiers’ views of Spanish and Portuguese violence during the Peninsular War, 1808–1814

This article explores British soldiers’ reactions to the violence that Iberian soldiers, guerrillas and civilians perpetrated against wounded French soldiers and prisoners of war during the Peninsular War. Whilst they saw this violence as retaliatory, and sympathized with the suffering of the occupied, British soldiers were shocked, disturbed and outraged, often leading them to self-identify with their very enemy — the French. On one level, this violence was seen as a fundamental violation of customary rules of war. Yet further, in British minds it revealed a deeper Iberian culture of violence and way of war, which set the Iberian peoples apart from ‘civilized’ nations.     

Ransoms of non-combatants during the hundred years war

Although we know a great deal about the captivities and ransoms of noble prisoners during the Hundred Years War, the ransoms paid to soldiers by non-combatants, though far more common, received less publicity in contemporary chronicles and less notoriety in the courts of law. In consequence, we learn about them largely through the generalized, and perhaps rather routine, complaints of the preaching clergy. This article examines some of the permutations of ransom which non-combatants - particularly peasant non-combatants - were obliged to pay to men-at-arms during this war. They vary from ransoms agreements like those negotiated by noble prisoners to protection rackets and slavery which many contemporaries considered to be more appropriate to the circumstances of crusade against Islam than to the wars between Christian peoples.     

Ransoms of non-combatants during the hundred years war

Although we know a great deal about the captivities and ransoms of noble prisoners during the Hundred Years War, the ransoms paid to soldiers by non-combatants, though far more common, received less publicity in contemporary chronicles and less notoriety in the courts of law. In consequence, we learn about them largely through the generalized, and perhaps rather routine, complaints of the preaching clergy. This article examines some of the permutations of ransom which non-combatants - particularly peasant non-combatants - were obliged to pay to men-at-arms during this war. They vary from ransoms agreements like those negotiated by noble prisoners to protection rackets and slavery which many contemporaries considered to be more appropriate to the circumstances of crusade against Islam than to the wars between Christian peoples.     

加害与受害的双重变奏——对朝鲜BC级战犯的审判及其遗留问题

因日本殖民者在朝鲜实施强制动员计划,许多朝鲜青年被迫或自愿应募为战俘营看守,协助日军看管盟军战俘。日本战败后,盟国为了追究日本法西斯虐待战俘、侵犯人权的罪行,设置军事法庭进行审判,一些战俘营的朝鲜看守作为BC级战犯被起诉和审判,129人被判决有罪。朝鲜BC级战犯背负"对日协力者"的名声,遭遇来自亲朋故旧的蔑视,同时给在故乡的亲人带来了不堪承受的精神压力,一些战犯既不能回归祖国,也无法融入日本社会,面临精神和物质的双重困境,扮演了加害者与受害者的双重角色。他们为了洗刷罪名、恢复名誉、争取合法权益而进行了持久的抗争。     

Unmaking the fascist man: masculinity,film and the transition from dictatorship

This essay examines the recasting and renegotiation of Italian masculinity during the war and during the transition from dictatorship to democracy. Film is my privileged source for understanding the complexities of male experience during this period of dramatic change, but I also rely on war crimes charges, diaries and memoirs. While not explicitly comparative in nature, the essay considers whether we can speak of a ‘crisis of masculinity’ in postwar Italy akin to that diagnosed by historians of postwar Germany and France. Within this broad frame, the essay focuses the experiences and representations of one category of men who evoked particular anxieties about the legacies of defeat and the redemption of Italian men for democratic models of fatherhood and citizenship: veterans, in particular returned prisoners of war. The 1946 film Il bandito (The Bandit, Alberto Lattuada), which I analyze in the last section of the essay, dramatizes the situation of these returned prisoners and the problem of a generation of men raised according to fascist norms that linked masculinity to the performance of aggressive acts.     

马里时代西亚战争惯例初探

在马里时代,西亚诸国逐步发展出制约战争的惯例。在发动战争之前,要为战争找到合法的理由,同时需要获得神明的赞同和友邦的支持,更为重要的是,要进行公开宣战。在战后对战败国的处理上,虽然存在野蛮的毁城杀人的向例,但是较为人道的战争惯例逐步发展起来:有限摧毁敌方城市,善待敌方战俘与百姓以及掩埋敌方阵亡者尸体等。马里时代的战争惯例,继承了公元前3千纪的某些战争惯例,同时又对古代西亚战争的惯例做出了新发展。马里时代战争惯例的形成,与此时大国争霸、同盟化战争以及战争的频繁有着密切关系。战争的巨大破坏力,也促使较为人道的战争惯例出现,它们代表了古代西亚战争惯例的发展方向,具有进步意义。     

The re-examination of Chiang Kai-shek's returning virtue for malice policy towards Japan after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War

After victory in the Anti-Japanese War, Chiang Kai-shek issued the famous radio speech “Letter to Soldiers and Civilians of the Whole Nation as well as the Peoples of the World after the Victory of the Anti-Japanese War.” The main idea of this speech was long interpreted as “returning virtue for malice” (or “good for evil”), a basic principle of the Kuomintang's policy towards Japan. Many scholars who have considered the returning virtue for malice policy in the postwar period include the following major issues: first, China repatriated Japanese prisoners of war and the Japanese diaspora with mercy; second, China allowed the Tenno, or imperial, system to be preserved in Japan; third, China did not participate in the occupation of Japan; and fourth, China gave up the right to ask for war reparations from Japan. This article examines the above four issues to reevaluate the returning virtue for malice policy. The first issue seems to reflect the Chinese national character of being lenient with others. However, it was in fact due to Chiang's anti-Communist strategy and the declared policy of the United States of eradicating Japan's influence in China. With regard to the second issue, Chiang's attitude was merely to let the Japanese people make their own choice, while the fate of the Japanese Tenno system was entirely determined by the US occupation authority, on which Chiang had little influence. The third issue was mainly the outcome of Chiang's focus on domestic political struggle in the postwar era in China. As for war reparations, China actually made efforts to obtain them in the beginning, but had to give up its right eventually. The decision-making process in the Kuomintang government was restrained by American policy and subordinated to Japanese pressure. Thus, it is not persuasive to summarize the basic principle of Kuomintang postwar policy towards Japan as returning virtue for malice.     

The state of war

This article frames the discussion of the ‘state of war’ in this issue of International Affairs. Beginning by noting the continued recurrence of ‘traditional’ modes of war along side so‐called ‘new wars’ and calling to aid Rousseau's brutal satire of 1756, The state of war, the article offers a discussion of three ‘responses’ to the reality of war in international relations—the heroic response, the realpolitik response and the compassionate response—and argues that a synthesis between them characterizes the general approach to war in any historical period. It then considers how the contemporary synthesis might be viewed and offers thoughts on the articles in this issue in the light of this suggestion.     

Affamer les prisonniers de guerre: entre mythes et réalités, 1914–54

Since the end of the nineteenth century, prisoners of war must be taken in care by their guardians, in terms of food. Sometimes this food is not good enough and leads to cases of starvation. Considering ideological conditions as well as material and chronological evolutions, this paper tries to explain how the prisoners are very often hostages in hands of their guards and how starvation can be an ideological tool.     

An Efficiency of Scarcity: Using Food to Increase the Productivity of Soviet Prisoners of War in the Mines of the Third Reich

During World War II, Heinrich Kraut, of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Labor Physiology, studied the effect of diet on work productivity in Soviet prisoners of war under heavy forced labor in the coalmines of the Ruhr. Kraut’s work illustrates an efficiency of scarcity, in which the elements of control and intervention often associated with efficiency efforts were not available. His efforts to improve productivity left unaddressed the violence and squalor amid which the prisoners lived and worked, despite his recognition that such conditions negatively affected work performance; his studies thus illustrate the primacy of National Socialist racial ideology even in labor practices crucial to war production. Kraut used technical and specialized knowledge to accommodate the brutal and inhuman labor practices of the Third Reich.