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Beneath the secular veneer of official rhetoric, nationally unified school textbooks provide a striking image of the Islamist message promoted to young people in Egypt. While distorting the struggles and complexity of Egyptian history and heritage, the textbooks construct patriotic devotion and a form of docile ‘neoliberal Islamism’ as the route to national renaissance. They present a notion of ideal citizenship where personal piety, charity and entrepreneurship are the proposed solutions to ‘Egypt's problems’. However, to actually relieve its ‘problems’, the regime has relied on religious associations for the provision of social services, depended on significant foreign assistance and periodically activated anti‐western nationalism. This article details textbook constructions of national identity and citizenship in the late Mubarak era and reflects on whether the 2011 uprising proves their failure in securing his legitimacy. It describes key changes since 2011 and explores whether the Sisi regime is offering alternative formulas of legitimation.  相似文献   

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Egypt's cultural evolution between 4000 and 2000 B.C. is reviewed in and related to methodological and theoretical issues in contemporary archaeology. Recent archaeological evidence from the Nile Delta is analyzed in the context of the cultural integration of the Nile Valley and Delta after about 3200 B.C.  相似文献   

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护身符是古埃及宗教文化的重要艺术形式,也是古埃及人留下的文化遗产。护身符的制作遵循交感巫术原理。按照该原理可以把护身符分为3种形式:以"相似律"原理制作的护身符、以"感染率"原理制作的护身符、"相似律"与"感染律"兼有的护身符。护身符具有丰富的文化蕴涵,是古埃及人造就强势人格的法宝,也是古埃及人冥世观的集中反映,其中积淀着埃及文明的因子。护身符的运用,一方面为埃及珠宝工艺的发展带来契机,另一方面促进了埃及文明的传播。  相似文献   

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This study examines church–state relations in Europe, and analyzes their influence on anti‐immigrant attitudes. The literature explains this relationship primarily with religious demographics, or state privileges for the majority faith. Alternately, this study focuses on the status of the majority religion. It argues that, in countries with a national church, citizens are more likely to consider the institutionalization of a new religion to be occurring at the expense of the national heritage, and react negatively. To test that hypothesis, the study focuses on Muslim immigrants in Europe, and builds an index that gauges the extent to which European states institutionalize Islam. Then, employing multilevel regression analysis, it investigates how the institutionalization of Islam influences anti‐Muslim prejudice in different contexts of church–state regimes. Individual‐level data come from the latest wave of the European Values Study, and cover 31 countries. Findings indicate that, in European countries with a national church, institutionalization of Islam increases anti‐Muslim prejudice. In countries without a national church, however, institutionalization leads to tolerance. These results confirm the continuing relevance of religion on the national level in Europe, despite the decline in individual religiosity.  相似文献   

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A noted American specialist on nationalism and identity politics in the former USSR reviews the political, institutional, and territorial complexities identified with the Muslim minority in the Russian Federation. Coverage includes the size and distribution of Muslim communities, the government's approach to the diverse adherents of Islam (including Wahhabis), fragmentation of Islamic institutions, and federal policies before and after the October 2004 terrorist attack on the school in Beslan, North Ossetia. Considerable attention is devoted to differences between Islamo-internationalism and Islamo-nationalism in Chechnya, as well as similarities and differences among approaches to Muslim affairs in Russia and other parts of Europe. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: O15, O18, Z13. 1 table, 53 references.  相似文献   

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The term post-Islamism has been broadly applied to suggest that we are witnessing a new phase of Islamist politics in which the goal is not to make the state Islamic but to change the lived experiences of Islam. Whether post-Islamism applies to the Turkish case has been a matter of much debate. We approach post-Islamism in Turkey using a feminist geographic analytic that shifts our focus from formal politics to the embodied and the everyday. Drawing upon eight focus groups with men and women in Istanbul in 2013 and 2014, we analyze discussions of education reform, the possibility of religious politics and religious difference to demonstrate how the premises of post-Islamism depend upon the (often unsuccessful) papering over of multiplicity. We argue that everyday, embodied solutions to the questions of post-Islamism often undermine the very categories (state, society, religion and secularism) upon which the post-Islamic problematic is based.  相似文献   

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Taqiyya is an Islamic juridical term whose shifting meaning relates to when a Muslim is allowed, under Sharia law, to lie. A concept whose meaning has varied significantly among Islamic sects, scholars, countries, and political regimes, it nevertheless is one of the key terms used by recent anti‐Muslim polemicists such as Robert Spencer or Daniel Pipes, and has been used by US Prosecutors to explain terrorist behavior. This paper seeks to summarize the complex uses of the term and show how a specific concept in a legal system can be used and interpreted by both adherents of that system and enemies in a wide variety of ways, taking on different meanings while referring to effectively the same set of practices. The term is debated in a scholarly way in the scholarly literature, as an ethnographic term, and finally, as an operational concept used as a tactic in a war and demanding countertactics tailored to it. The paper will discuss the social purpose of having such ambiguous concepts available within one's society, and the idea that making the ambiguous specific can be a valuable weapon in polemical attack.  相似文献   

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美国宪法改革与人权政策   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
李世安 《史学月刊》2001,5(5):100-104
美国人权政策是建立在古典政治哲学基础之上的,它过分强调人民的消极权利,而忽视了人民的积极权利。随着美国社会的发展,这种人权政策显得越来越不能适应时代的需要。因此,20世纪80年代以来,美国又掀起了宪法改革运动的高潮,以解决宪法中存在的人权概念不清楚和政治自由太多、人民的经济利益太少的问题。在修宪运动中,美国的最高法院发挥了重要的历史作用,使运动取得了一些阶段性成果。但由于种族偏见的根深蒂固,因此美国人权政策的发展依然面临着有待进一步克服的问题。  相似文献   

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《Political Theology》2013,14(2):227-245
Abstract

The purpose of this article is to problematize secular humanistic conceptualizations of human rights by challenging the absolutist and supposedly irreligious foundations on which they rest. In doing so, this piece will adopt the position that secular humanism is, in fact, a religion, and, as such, its dictates concerning human beings and the proper treatment thereof are logical byproducts of a very peculiar "modern" religious faith—a religion, as it were, that places humanity at the center of its worship—and, therefore, are no less arbitrary than the overtly religious dogma it rejects. By exposing the all too confident moral authority that secular faithful bestow upon themselves and the will to judgement that is so prevalent in modern humanistic ideology, this article hopes to create a space for a re-imagining of human rights that is less authoritarian and more open to self-criticism than the modern, secular movement.  相似文献   

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Zep Kalb 《Iranian studies》2017,50(4):575-600
Private universities are a rapidly expanding form of education in Iran, and increasingly include Islam and the social sciences alongside the hard sciences too. What implications does the privatization of religious and social scientific knowledge have for the Islamic Republic? Scholarship has so far responded by looking at the ways in which the Iranian authoritarian state has monopolized religion, repressed the social sciences and hollowed out student activism. Complicating these arguments, this article provides a historical and institutional comparison of higher education in Iran in order to look at the evolving degree of autonomy of academic institutions and the ability of actors that operate within them to contribute to critical debate, social activism and novel discourse. The article proposes that while state universities and Islamic Azad suffer from politicization and control, a small set of privately owned “Islamic” universities is using its elite connections, financial independence and socio-pedagogical ties to the seminary and modern academia to secure enhanced levels of free debate and independent thinking.  相似文献   

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Textural, mineralogical, and X-Ray fluorescence (XRF) analyses are used as a cost effective method to distinguish for the first time ancient Egyptian and Nubian-style ceramics found in Nubia. Textural and mineralogical data suggest that Nubian-style sherds are mixtures of sand, silt, and clay sediment that is generally finer grained and poorer in quartz than is the sediment mixture used to produce Egyptian-style pottery. Chemical data also establish a significant difference in the amount of chemical variation found within each style population, but nonetheless supports a considerable overlap in the possible provenance of both styles. Observations and data obtained during this study indicate that standardized, Egyptian-style manufacturing was introduced into Nubia under colonialism, without substantially altering the diversity of native methods of production.  相似文献   

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The Muslim conquest of the Holy Land from Christendom, the invasion of southwestern Europe in the eighth century, and the Christian struggle, ultimately unsuccessful, to regain the Holy Land from Islam in the Crusades dominated European culture, particularly its poetry, for centuries. From the Old French epic, The Song of Roland (c. 1100) to the Albanian epic, The Highland Lute (early twentieth century), a vast popular culture grew in European vernacular languages in response to Muslim invasions and conquests. This article attempts to elucidate in panoramic form a neglected area of nationalism. It argues that from the medieval period until the fall of the Ottoman empire, poetry was instrumental in the rise of European national identities, partly in reaction to centuries of ascendancy of Islam, which undermined the authority of the Pope, the universal Church, the Gospel and Latin. The defeat of the medieval Church opened the way to narrower, more national and cultural concerns, reflected in a cluster of vernacular European poetic traditions.  相似文献   

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伊斯兰党是马来西亚主要反对党之一,1990年以来,该党在华人只占4.43%的吉兰丹州长期执政,进行伊斯兰教国实践,其伊斯兰化政策引起朝野争议。论文介绍了伊斯兰党在吉兰丹的伊斯兰化政策,分析了基于伊斯兰党的种族理念,吉兰丹政府的华人政策和吉兰丹华人对伊斯兰党及其州政府的态度,说明坚决支持和坚决反对伊斯兰党的华人是少数,中间派是多数。伊斯兰党在吉兰丹州的执政证明,他们公正、廉洁,能够善待华人,使外州华人不再像过去那样抗拒伊斯兰党。吉兰丹模式对马来西亚其他地方马来人和华人具有示范意义。  相似文献   

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刘祥 《史学集刊》2021,(1):123-133
二战爆发后,美国社会组织在对战争与和平问题的研究中提出依靠国际组织保障人权的规范构想。美国政府则并未重视人权议题,人权在敦巴顿橡树园会议上只处于边缘地位。社会组织在此后掀起大规模的游说活动,要求提高人权议题的地位,这使得美国政府考虑融合社会组织的人权规范构想与主权规范原则。旧金山会议上,美国说服其他大国接受其人权立场,极力否决拉美国家的人权提案,体现出美国借人权话语行使霸权的实质意图。最终出台的《联合国宪章》多处涉及人权,奠定了此后联合国人权规范的基础。但是,社会组织与美国政府围绕人权的争论凸显了宪章人权条款的复杂特征,这使得美国在此后联合国人权规范的发展中面临更多的挑战。  相似文献   

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This essay frames a number of individual contributions on the subject of visa stories. The author considers the issues raised by these contributors in terms of human rights, structural violence and ethical globalisation. The contributions to this Forum sharply delineate the contrasting capacity of archaeologists from different countries to participate in international scholarly discussions. If we are to tackle the challenges of a more ethical globalisation, we need to integrate a human rights framework into our practices and policies, with a consequent emphasis on shared responsibilities.
Resumen Este ensayo enmarca las diversas aportaciones individuales entorno a las historias sobre visados. La autora tiene en cuenta las cuestiones planteadas por estos autores en relación con los derechos humanos, la violencia estructural y la globalización ética. Las aportaciones a este Forum delinean con gran agudeza la capacidad contrastada de los arqueólogos de diversos países de participar en discusiones eruditas a escala internacional. Si debemos abordar los desafíos de una globalización más ética, es necesario que integremos un marco de derechos humanos en nuestras prácticas y nuestras políticas, con el consiguiente énfasis en las responsabilidades compartidas.

Résumé Cet essai est pour synthétiser les contributions individuelles concernant les histoires d’obtention de visas. L’auteur considère les questions soulevées par ces histoires, en termes de droits humains, de violence structurée (injustices dans les procédures administratives), et de la globalisation de l’éthique. Les contributions à ce forum font ressortir clairement le contraste entre les capacités qui existent, selon le pays d’origine des archéologues, de participer à des rencontres académiques internationales. Si nous voulons relever le défit de développer une éthique plus globale, nous devons intégrer la conception des droits humains dans notre pratique et nos politiques, avec comme conséquence, une emphase sur le partage des responsabilités.


Claire Smith is President of the World Archaeological Congress, and Associate Professor at Flinders University, Australia. Her recent books include ‘Indigenous Archaeologies: Decolonising Archaeological Theory and Method (co-edited with H.M. Wobst, Routledge, 2005) and ‘Digging it up Down Under. A Practical Guide to Doing Archaeology in Australia’ (co-authored by H. Burke, Springer, 2007).  相似文献   

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