Opinion Polls and the Dynamics of the Public Sphere: The Catholic Church in the Federal Republic after 1968

In the aftermath of the Katholikentag in Essen in September1968, conflicts about various issues of religious practice andchurch activities became visible in the Catholic Church in theFederal Republic. These conflicts, and the growing demand forparticipation in the preparation of the Würzburg synodof the West German dioceses (1971-1975), provided the contextfor the first large-scale application of opinion polling inthe Catholic Church. In the spring of 1970, twenty-one millionquestionnaires were distributed to all German Catholics, accompaniedby a survey based on a quota sample of interviewees. The discourseabout the implementation of polling techniques in the churchwas structured along the lines of binary dichotomies. Whereassome theologians and grass-roots activists demanded the inclusionof taboo topics such as the abolition of celibacy, many bishopsand a conservative current feared that the questionnaire wouldallow for new vistas and hence deliberately liberalize and diluteessential elements of Catholic doctrine. Another controversialtopic was the possibility of responsiveness, that is the extentto which decisions of church bodies should react to public opinionas it was reflected in the polls. Not only grass-roots activists,but also the renowned theologian Karl Lehmann were scepticalthat the poll could be used to manipulate public opinion aboutpastoral issues and to gloss over substantial problems. Butthere was also substantial concern about the possible use ofthe polls in a plebiscitarian manner, which would charge factsabout the state of public opinion with normative power. In thecontext of the preparations of the Würzburg Synod, thepolls worked as a technology of the public sphere. In the aftermathof Essen 1968, the politicization of conflicts brought the questionof responsiveness to the forefront. It would be misleading,however, as this example makes clear, to equate the reflectionof public opinion in the polls with a ‘critical’public capable of exercising democratic oversight.     

The custom of the English Church: parish church maintenance in England before 1300

A division of responsibility for parish church fabric and contents between rector and parishioners first appeared in English ecclesiastical legislation in the early thirteenth century and was to remain in place until the mid-nineteenth century. It is often suggested that this responsibility was forced onto parishioners by a clergy keen to limit their own financial liability and that this marks the point at which parishioners first become involved in their local churches. This article looks at the development of these statutes from their origins in the Anglo-Saxon period through to their full realisation in the later thirteenth century. It argues that there were many among the thirteenth-century ecclesiastical hierarchy who were opposed to this change, and that far from being forced on parishioners, allowing parishioners to take responsibility for part of the church was a pragmatic solution to problems brought about by changes to both parishes and parish churches.     

The custom of the English Church: parish church maintenance in England before 1300

A division of responsibility for parish church fabric and contents between rector and parishioners first appeared in English ecclesiastical legislation in the early thirteenth century and was to remain in place until the mid-nineteenth century. It is often suggested that this responsibility was forced onto parishioners by a clergy keen to limit their own financial liability and that this marks the point at which parishioners first become involved in their local churches. This article looks at the development of these statutes from their origins in the Anglo-Saxon period through to their full realisation in the later thirteenth century. It argues that there were many among the thirteenth-century ecclesiastical hierarchy who were opposed to this change, and that far from being forced on parishioners, allowing parishioners to take responsibility for part of the church was a pragmatic solution to problems brought about by changes to both parishes and parish churches.     

19世纪英国的政治民主化与女权运动

工业化与政治民主化是19世纪英国历史的主旋律。在工业化的浪潮中,许多妇女走向社会,走进劳动力市场,成为独立的雇佣劳动,从而扩大了眼界,增强了独立意识。在社会政治民主化运动中,她们接受自由主义思想,参与党派活动、宪章运动和反谷物法斗争,甚至独立开展争取妇女选举权、与男性平等的经济权和社会立法权运动,向社会显示自身的实力,不仅改变了轻视妇女的传统社会立法,提高了女性的经济地位和社会地位,而且有力地推进了国家的民主化进程。     

晚清直隶教案诱因分析--以1860年11月～1898年10月为中心

关于教案的发源,目前学术界大致有四种观点：1．侵略说;2．中西化冲突说;3．三重危机说;4．多种因素说。①笔以为,笼统地将晚清近两千起②教案发生的原因归结为列强侵略或两种异质化之间的冲突等都未免失之简单,应作具体分析。在晚清直隶,引发教案的原因是多方面的,主要有：由传教士查还旧址、租买房产以及民教互争公产地亩引发的地产之争;摊派各种庙会和修庙钱引发纷争;细故口角争殴;教堂或传教士、教民遭劫窃引发;反教谣言、揭贴引发;民教双方由相互猜疑进而捏情上控引发教案等。     

蒙古统治罗斯后期政教关系的变化

蒙古统治罗斯后期,面对莫斯科公国的日益强大和金帐汗国的渐趋衰微,东正教会与蒙古统治者的联盟土崩瓦解,教会转而支持莫斯科公国,教俗联合吞并各公国,储备建立统一国家的实力,并最终推翻蒙古统治。政教联合促进了俄罗斯统一国家的形成和民族文化的发展,同时有助于莫斯科公国和教会国际地位的提升。     

The ethno‐religious ambitions of the Roman Catholic Church and the ascendancy of communism in post‐war Poland (1945–50)

ABSTRACT. This paper differentiates between centrifugal and centripetal aspects of ethno‐nationalism to help account for the ascendancy of communism in the immediate aftermath of World War II in Poland. It argues that the directing of social antipathy to defined out‐groups allowed the Polish Workers' Party (PPR) to manage social anger and that the Roman Catholic Church's ethno‐religious agenda was aligned with the PPR's ethno‐nationalist policy. Furthermore, it is contended that the Church's toleration of hostile actions directed at minority communities supported the PPR's management of social anger. The paper concludes that the Church, despite its manifest intentions and contrary to contemporary perceptions, played a role in the PPR's achievement of hegemony.     

Grassroots Environmental Activism and the Internet: Constructing a Green Public Sphere in China

The past three decades have seen the resurgence of China's civil society through the blossoming of NGOs that campaign for various marginalised interests, including environmental protection. Many studies have examined the co-evolution of the Internet and China's civil society. This paper examines the role of the Internet in strengthening grassroots environmental activism, taking into consideration the corporatised character of Chinese NGOs. Through a detailed ethnographic case study of a leading grassroots environmental group, the Global Village of Beijing (GVB), I argue that Internet technologies effectively empower resource-poor activists in their self-representation, information brokering, network building, public mobilisation and construction of discourse communities. The Net therefore contributes to the nascent formation of a green public sphere in China by fostering a discourse that counterbalances rapid economic development. Also discussed here are issues that hamper this process, including resource limitations, the fragmentation of online discourse communities, and the marginalisation and “caging” of environmental discourse.     

The Politics of the Pew: Faith,Liberty, and Authority in a Sydney Church in 1828

This article examines the political implications of the dispute between E. S. Hall and Archdeacon Scott over a pew in St James’ Church in the late 1820s. Beyond the legal questions it raised about the established status of the Church of England in New South Wales, Hall's public protest, conducted every Sunday during the largest regular social gathering in Sydney, was a self‐conscious performance of his wider critique of colonial authority. This episode reveals the symbolic importance of church spaces and the role of religious ideas about authority and freedom in colonial political debate.     

黑山会的故事:明清宦官政治与民间社会

关于明清时期宦官的研究 ,以往史学界多从政治史的角度入手 ,探讨宦官干政及其与皇权的关系。本文从黑山会这样一个宦官的祭祀组织出发 ,探讨他们塑造刚铁这样一个宦官祖神的意义 ,从新的角度理解宦官政治 ,并进而探索宦官与京师民间社会的关系 ,以及他们在宫廷与民间社会之间的中介角色     

The Heartbreak of the Place: Space,Religion and Politics in Post‐9/11 Mosque Controversies

In recent years, there have been a series of public controversies related to construction of Islamic worship spaces in the U.S. One of these controversies, surrounding a proposal for an Islamic community center in New York City known as Park51, dominated media coverage for several weeks in the summer of 2010 and is one of several high‐profile mosque‐building debates in the U.S. Another contentious debate occurred in the community of Temecula, Calif. These controversies represent the still‐uncertain place Islam holds in the American public sphere. Using framing theory, this article considers the ways in which Islam is portrayed in news media content by political actors and the potential consequences of such framing.     

Governance and Competition: The Role of Non-profit Organisations in the Delivery of Public Services

The movement away from a unified public service towards the development of quasi-markets based on the involvement of private firms and non-profit organisations can be viewed as the most radical change to state-society relations since the advent of the modern welfare state. While there is a growing literature on the value this contracting regime has for governments, we know almost nothing about its impact upon the service delivery styles and mission of non-profit agencies. This study used focus groups and survey data from agencies involved in the Australian Job Network and its predecessor Working Nation . The results show that this contracting regime produced a convergence of service delivery strategies among different types of agency, higher caseloads, reduced attention to the needs of individual job-seekers and greater 'creaming' of the easiest clients at the expense of those more disadvantaged.