Some Reflections on Michael Walzer's Politics and Passion

Abstract

Michael Walzer's new book, Politics and Passion, is the attempt of a major liberal political theorist to modify the essentially triumphalist individualist thrust of much of liberalism. It is written in the spirit of the later work of John Rawls, who tried to listen to the communitarian critique of liberalism and then incorporate it in his more modest version of liberalism instead of letting it coopt liberalism. That effort, though, is much more carefully and extensively worked out by Walzer than by Rawls. Nevertheless, Walzer cannot accept any central normative role for religion in the life of a liberal polity, especially for the type of family-central, traditional community presented by Judaism and Christianity. Since most communitarians are religious, it is arguable whether they can accept the political role religion have been assigned in the liberal project by Walzer. Indeed, it can be argued that Walzer, like almost all liberals, assigns a much too ultimate role for freedom, making it the end of liberal striving and seeing it in opposition to and escape from more traditional forms of social life. It is thus argued that the individual freedom Walzer sees as transcending (although never completely) familial-religious community can be better achieved there, functioning more modestly and realistically as one of the best means to the common good and, therefore, not in opposition to it.     

Post‐Conditionality Politics and Administrative Reform: Reflections on the Cases of Uganda and Tanzania

This article contributes to the discussion of the nature of external intervention in the reform processes of indebted states. Looking at administrative reform in Uganda and Tanzania, it is argued that external involvement in sub‐Saharan Africa is becoming increasingly differentiated. For some states — including the two cases dealt with here — a key set of continuities and changes allows us to conceptualize a regime of post‐conditionality. Post‐conditionality regimes exist where extreme external dependence and economic growth produce a set of political dynamics in which external–national distinctions become less useful, in which there emerge a set of unequal mutual dependencies, and in which donor/creditor involvement in reform becomes qualitatively more intimate, pervading the form and processes of the state. Details of this dispensation are provided in an analysis of key ministries and key interventions by donors/creditors. The article finishes by considering the contradictions of the post‐conditionality regime, and its prospects.     

启心郎与清初政治

启心郎是清初特有的官制,最早设于天聪年间,而其思想根源则来自努尔哈赤时期。至康熙时期,启心郎这一官职被废止。虽然其存在的时间仅四十多年,但它却反映出清初皇权与诸贝勒之间、满洲与汉军之间的尖锐矛盾。     

Cato Street Conspiracy and Consuming Crime: How Radical Politics Fed into the Public's Passion for Violent Media Coverage*

The Cato Street Conspiracy ended in failure, with its five leading radicals executed. This conspiratorial insurrection caught the media's attention, creating a vibrant visual culture of the stable and execution. Arguably, the conspiracy's treason was not directed at the king but rather parliament and government through its aim to assassinate the cabinet. Although usually considered as an end point to Regency radicalism, Cato Street provides the opportunity to explore how radicalism was covered and consumed as part of the growing passion for crime reporting. Using the framework of wound culture, which highlights the centrality of consuming violence in contemporary society, this article demonstrates how the Cato Street stable and execution were fervently consumed through the visual culture generated to disseminate the conspiracy. Here, radicalism, treason and violence collided, demonstrating the passion of the conspirators but also the passion of the public who voraciously devoured the coverage.     

讲政治与讲真实

在志书编纂当中,有一个普遍存在、大家比较苦恼、也绕不过的问题,就是讲政治和讲真实的关系。人们都说,实事求是是编修志书的根本性原则,也是我国修志的优良传统。编修社会主义新方志也不例外。但说起来容易,做起来却很难。从客观上讲,需要有一个相对宽松的社会环境和具有一定支撑力的经济物质环境。从主观条件看,有些是属于制度性制约,有些则是一些领导人认识不到位,思想偏于守旧,不开放,或因利益关系的牵扯,不愿讲真相、写实情。应当说,随着我国改革的深化和开放的扩大,这些方面有了根本性好转,民主、法制、明、富裕、和谐等都成了我们治国的理念,成为实现现代化宏伟目标的主要内容。但是,也应看到,我们处于社会主义初级阶段,思想、化和物质条件还不可能那么宽松,特别是经济体制、政治体制和化制度改革还不到位,还存在某些局部难以求真求实和有意弄虚作假的环境条件。加之我们的一些编纂在思想、品德、化素质、认知能力以及编修经验等方面都存在这样那样的问题,这些都是讲真实难的一个原因。但目前,对多数人来说,最重要也是急需解决的是在政治性和真实性关系上的认识问题。     

冬至感怀

一年一岁冬至满,北风飞雪长山寒。一杯清酒一岁还,雪雁回飞应知难。蟾蜍长睡不愿醒,蹉跎万事韶华晚。醉卧莽原枯松下,笑吟江雪冷月天。 昨日是冬至。冬至到来,气候转至最冷。节令从这一天起,正式人九了,数九寒天说的就是现在。这个节气在冬季的最后部分,意味着年关将近,岁月处于新旧交替的冲刺阶段。     

Between the "Already" and the "Not Yet": A Peace Perspective and a Catholic Theological Viewpoint on Religion and Politics

Abstract

Taking an interdisciplinary approach, this article questions the mainstream idea about the relationship between religion and politics that associates the church and state separation with a strict private—public division. Agreeing with the former distinction, we criticize the latter from the perspectives of both Catholic theology and peace and conflict studies. Both fields offer adequate reasons to challenge this narrow dualism, envisioning the spheres of religion and politics as complementary and mutually enriching. In response to increased violence involving religions across the globe, "religious peacebuilding" is currently developing approaches to explain such conflicts and inform peacebuilding methods and strategies. Additionally, the theological-emphasis on the eschatological presence of the "already" appeals to Catholic faith to pertinently reflect upon and frame public life. Consequently, we plead for the critical and beneficial engagement of religions in the public sphere as "not yet" sufficiently acknowledged.     

国民党走向皖南事变之经过

抗战爆发后的国共两党关系,曾经有过一段“蜜月期”。但不到两年时间,两党关系就不期然地走向了紧张,1941年1月更爆发了震惊中外的皖南事变,使国共两党几乎走向全面破裂。皖南事变的爆发,有着相当复杂的背景。而国民党人以正统自居盲目自大和坚持一党独裁的心态,难以适应共产党人独立自主和必欲发展壮大自身力量的政策。无疑是一个极为重要的原因。只是,在抗战的特殊环境下,国民党要想重新拾起军事“剿共”的办法来防止共产党的壮大,也并非易事。因此。皖南事变的发生。在很大程度上又不能不带有相当的偶然性。     

试论诸葛亮的从政心理与丞相之路

面对曹、孙、刘三家争夺天下的政治局面 ,诸葛亮为何最终选择了刘备 ,这需要对他的从政心理作深层次的剖析。诸葛亮投奔刘备是根据自身条件作出的最明智的抉择。他看中的是刘备在军事和人力资源上的弱势 ,而不是为了拥刘反曹、中兴汉室。由于关羽成了诸葛亮丞相之路上的最大障碍 ,故其不惜假吴军之手翦除之。诸葛亮又运用权术分割了法正的部分权力。经过十余年的苦心经营 ,诸葛亮终于登上了丞相的宝座。     

Public School Search Policies and the "Politics of Sin"

In recent years, high school students have been subjected to greater levels of drug searching and surveillance on school grounds. The effect of such searching is potentially wide-ranging, because public schools "play an important role in socializing students according to the norms and mores of society" ( Vergari, 2000 ). Using the "morality politics" framework, this study reports and analyzes the presence of random, suspicionless drug searches in the Nebraska public schools. Whereas most studies of morality policy have focused on the state as the unit of analysis, we consider the perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors of principals in regards to drug policies in schools. Our findings, based on a survey of 181 high school principals, reflect several features of morality policy. There has been a significant rise in the number of random drug searches, despite the principals' observation that these measures neither lessen drug use nor catch perpetrators. The most important predictors of drug policy are pressure from local sources, perception of the problem within the community (but not the schools), and the racial composition of schools. Principals articulate limited concern for student rights, and students largely accept searches without resistance. In the discussion, we consider these findings in light of recent court rulings and introduce the potential ramifications of waging the drug war in our nation's classrooms and hallways.     

旅游者"符号性消费"行为之思考--由"雅虎中国"的一项调查说起

改革开放以来,我国某些社会阶层的消费行为呈现出符号化、时尚性、讲究身份象征等倾向,即所谓“符号性消费”。本文从“雅虎中国”网的一项调查入手,通过云南元阳梯田案例,证明这一现象在旅游消费行为中也客观存在。某些旅游者认为,旅游是一种时尚追求,选择到哪里旅游、怎样旅游,都能体现出人们对自己社会角色扮演的定位和评价,以及对自己地位区隔的认可和接受。这种“符号性消费”行为对旅游地的社会建构意义应该引起关注。     

新形势下的新定位--关于民俗学的"民"与"俗"的新思考

民俗学作为一门科学发展到现在已经有近两百年的历史了。从这个学科诞生的那天起,关于“民”和“俗”的定义的争论就一天也没有停止过。因为这是所有民俗学家都无法回避的问题,它确实关乎民俗学学科的基本定位和发展方向。     

Masculinity, Identity and Labour Market Change: Some Reflections on the Implications of Thinking Relationally About Difference and the Politics of Inclusion

Abstract In this paper I want to address the connections between the three areas of work: first, the theorisation of identity as relational; second, the significance of difference and diversity in thinking about inequality, labour market restructuring and the social construction of multiple masculinities; and finally, the political implications of taking diversity into account in arguing for a participatory democracy based on ideas about inclusion, respect and responsibility. I want to illustrate these connections in the specific context of a case study about young men in contemporary Britain. In the sections that follow, I focus on each of these areas or concepts in turn, but attempt to demonstrate the connections between the substantive debates in each of the sections. In my conclusion I raise some of the policy implications for building wider social inclusion in democracies by connecting notions of difference and diversity to structural inequalities, or what is sometimes referred to by geographers as ‘the cultural’ and ‘the economic’ dimensions of difference.     

"小泉神话"与日本政治的转型

小泉纯一郎作为近20年来执政时间最长的首相,在日本政坛刮起了一股强劲的“小泉旋风”,或者说带来了“小泉神话”。人们一度曾相信自民党从此将获得“新生”。但好景不常,小泉内阁很快就显露出“末期政权”的症状。小泉的高支持率已成为昨日黄花。这4年来,日本政治发生了深刻的转型。延续半个多世纪的政坛格局、传统政治模式都在酝酿着和正在进行着有可能是脱胎换骨的变化。这是新世纪日本在寻求新的国家定位和国家战略必然伴随的现象,需要引起人们的密切注意。     

"三自政策"与新桂系的军阀政治

"三自政策"是新桂系在1929年蒋桂战争失败后陷入困境的情况下提出的,是30年代新桂系治桂的基本方略.新桂系的"三自政策",打着实行孙中山三民主义的旗帜,动员全省力量,推进军事、政治、经济、文化的建设,旨在增强实力,巩固在广西的割据,并准备日后重新崛起.民国时期,军阀割据,派系林立,政治混乱,各派势力都施展各自潜能和手段,巩固割据地盘."三自政策"集中表现了新桂系独具特色的军阀政治.