If You Don't Count,You Don't Count: Monitoring and Evaluation in South African NGOs

Non‐Governmental Organizations (NGOs) are increasingly challenged to demonstrate accountability and relevance, with reporting, monitoring and evaluation arguably having become development activities in their own right. Drawing on interviews and observation research, this article examines the impact of intensified monitoring and evaluation (M&E) requirements on a number of South African NGOs. M&E — and the types of expertise, vocabularies and practices it gives rise to — is an important area that is usually neglected in the study of NGOs but that significantly impacts on NGOs’ logic of operation. By focusing on three areas — data that are considered appropriate to conduct M&E, staffing and organizational cultures, and NGOs’ reformist relationships with other civil society organizations (CSOs) — M&E is revealed as a central discursive element in the constitution of NGOs appropriate to neoliberal development. By engaging a neo‐Foucauldian framework of governmentality, M&E practices are thus understood as technologies through which governing is accomplished in the trans‐scalar post‐apartheid development domain.     

"Oh Yes I Can.""Oh No You Can't": Children and Parents' Understandings of Kids' Competence to Negotiate Public Space Safely

Children's safety is an issue high on the public agenda in both the UK and North America. In particular, the "stranger-danger" discourse plays an important part in constructing children as "vulnerable" and "at risk" in public space. This paper begins by exploring how adults define whether their children are competent to negotiate public space unsupervised and how they control and manage their children's use of space. It then goes on to consider children's own understandings of their ability to negotiate public space safely, exploring how they subvert restrictions placed on them by parents and how they define their parents' levels of competence to make decisions about their spatial ranges. In doing so the paper demonstrates the instability and contested meanings of the binary concepts —"adult" and "child."     

"不容异己"别有所指:"人权运动"前胡适在上海

在胡适研究中,对1927年至1930年胡适居留上海期间的考察,研究者们往往聚焦于胡适在"人权运动"中的表现,进而认为,胡适甫一回国即陷入到与国民党及国民政府的纠葛当中,而忽略了"人权运动"前知识分子之间的纷争。因此,友人劝阻胡适归国的陈述经常被有意无意地引证为胡适回国后处境的写照,以为"人权运动"预热。实则这些陈述掺杂了鲜明的个人色彩,不足为胡适回到上海后的情境预言。与此相对,"人权运动"之前,回到上海的胡适与部分教育界、文艺界知识分子发生了颇为激烈的明争暗斗,而胡适也"知机"地作出了应对。准此而论,此期胡适在上海被"不容异己"(1),其主体当指某些的教育界、文艺界的知识分子,而非国民党或国民政府。     

Living above the shop: home, business, and family in the English "Industrial Revolution"

This article explores the living arrangements and familial relations of small business households in northwest English towns between 1760 and 1820. Focusing on evidence from inventories and personal writing, it examines the homes that such households lived and worked in and the ways in which space was ordered and used: indicating that access to particular spaces was determined by status. This study suggests both the continuance of the "household family" into the nineteenth century (rather than its more modern, "nuclear" variant) and the existence of keenly felt gradations of status within households making it likely that the constitution of "the family" differed according to one's place in the domestic hierarchy.     

"Common–Sense" Neoliberalism: Progressive Conservative Urbanism in Toronto, Canada

This paper argues that urban neoliberalism can best be understood as a contradictory re–regulation of urban everyday life. Based on an analysis of neoliberalism as a new political economy and as a new set of technologies of power, the paper argues that the urban everyday is the site and product of the neoliberal transformation. Governments and corporations play a key role in redefining the conditions of everyday life through neoliberal policies and business practices. Part of this reorientation of everydayness, however, involves new forms of resistance and opposition, which include the kernel of a possible alternative urbanism. The epochal shift from a Keynesian–Fordist–welfarist to a post–Fordist–workfarist society is reflected in a marked restructuring of everyday life. The shift changes the socioeconomic conditions in cities. It also includes a reorientation of identities, social conflicts, and ideologies towards a more explicitly culturalist differentiation. Social difference does not disappear, but actually becomes more pronounced; however, it gets articulated in or obscured by cultural terms of reference. The paper looks specifically at Toronto, Ontario, as a case study. An analysis of the explicitly neoliberal politics of the province’s Progressive Conservative (Tory) government under Mike Harris, first elected in 1995, demonstrates the pervasive re–regulation of everyday life affecting a wide variety of people in Toronto and elsewhere. Much of this process is directly attributable to provincial policies, a consequence of Canada’s constitutional system, which does not give municipalities autonomy but makes them “creatures of provinces.” However, the paper also argues that Toronto’s elites have aided and abetted the provincial “Common–Sense” Revolution through neoliberal policies and actions on their own. The paper concludes by outlining the emergence of new instances of resistance to the politics of hegemony and catastrophe of urban neoliberalism.     

陈焕章与民国初年的国教运动

陈焕章是民初思想界的重要人物,他与孔教会其他人士一道,致力于发掘传统儒学的“神学”及“现代性”内涵,并发起了规模巨大的国教运动。尽管这场运动与民初的帝制复辟运动纠缠在一起,但国教派并非都主张帝制,至少陈焕章等人与复辟派是有严格的政治界限的。国教运动思想家企图以“保教”为手段来“保国”,体现了鲜明的化民族主义,却与民初的民主主义产生了矛盾;另外,将本来属于“人化”的中国传统儒学人为地塑造成“神化”,也有违“传统”。这都注定了国教运动必然失败的命运。陈焕章学贯中西,本应在思想化方面有积极的建树,却与国教运动结下不解之缘,国教运动失败,他的历史地位与作用也因此而被淹没。     

The $15 Wage Movement Moves South: Politics of Region in Labor Union Campaigns

The North American labor movement continues to wrestle with the challenges of organizing workers in the US South. This article explores the contradictory position of the South in the contemporary labor movement, using the circulation of the $15 minimum wage to ground the analysis. By problematizing the place of the South in US labor, this article contributes to efforts to complicate the geographic imaginaries of the South and to our understanding of the contemporary labor movement's expansionary projects. Drawing on qualitative interviews and participant observation in Greensboro and Durham, North Carolina, and Richmond, Virginia, I trace the abstract circulation of organizational resources, strategies, and tactics of the $15 wage movement into, throughout, and back out of the South.     

Now You See It: Now You Don't! Issues of Secularity and Secularisation in Publicly Funded Elementary Schools in the Australian Colonies during the Middle Third of the Nineteenth Century

This article opens and ends with reference to two interlinked studies: Charles Taylor's 2007 A Secular Age, and his 2011 Dilemmas and Connections: Selected Essays. These are often magnificent but sometimes flawed works. This article aims to explore the implications and ramifications of Taylor's failure to discuss, in either study, nineteenth‐century provision for secular instruction by government elementary schools in Ireland, Great Britain, and the Australian colonies. What these did or did not mean should have been grist to Taylor's mill, especially since, in these places (and other English‐speaking countries, such as the United States, Canada, and New Zealand) “secular instruction” provisions soon attracted energetic imputations of infidelity and atheism, as well as support. “Secular Instruction” Acts in two Australian colonies (Victoria in 1872, South Australia in 1851 and 1875) are here considered in detail, for these, especially the Victorian, were interpreted by some then and more recently as emphatically secular (in the sense of “Godless”). My argument is that this emphatic secularity, for emphatic it often was, mostly should not be read as “Godless” but as an often Protestant‐inflected statutory expression — of the kind usefully defined — by reference to an ideal type — as “Civic Protestantism.”     

Dominion of the Spirit over the Flesh: Religion,Gender and Sexual Morality in the German Women's Movement before World War I

This article examines the place of religious values in the thinking of leading figures in the mainstream German women's movement in the period before World War I. Focusing on the debate of sexual morality and abortion within the German League of Women's Associations, it argues that the position taken by these women is best understood as a product of their religious commitments, rather than their political ideas. The article seeks to place these women in the historical context of a particular liberal, Protestant, social and intellectual milieu that flourished in the period before 1914.     

"Don't fence me in": connecting irony to power in the scholarship of Charles E. Rosenberg

Irony and contingency are central to Charles E. Rosenberg's scholarship and theoretical stance. Irony is a a way to speak through history both to power and to those who would contest power. The question becomes, What kind of politics is it? The limitations of Rosenberg's ironic trope and its world weariness that can provide critique but no way to change is analyzed.     

“三反”运动中的张顺有事件研究

建国初期的"三反"运动是继土地改革、镇压反革命、抗美援朝三大运动之后发起的又一次群众性的政治运动,其运动目标是党政机关与人民团体中的贪污、浪费、官僚主义现象。本文中的张顺有事件即是发生在"三反"运动期间的典型个案,这集中体现在它所揭露出的官僚主义问题上。通过对这一事件的剖析,文章探讨了一位普通农民是如何将自己的利益诉求与国家的治理策略关联在一起的,同时,它也彰显了执政者的统治技术在失衡与调适中不断前行的实践轨迹。     

New Perspectives on the "Dao" of "Huidaomen": Redemptive Societies and Religion in Modern and Contemporary China

This essay uses research in Chinese religion,and specifically Chinese "redemptive societies," to challenge and enrich the received history of "sects and secret societies" in modern and contemporary Chinese history,and suggests that a future "history of cultivation movements" might be a helpful means to steer between competing narratives of state-building and personal religious experience.The discussion is illustrated with a brief biography of Li Yujie (1901-94),founder of the redemptive society Tiandijiao who devoted his life to cultivation and religion,but also to independent journalism and the Guomindang.