‘The country(side) is angry’: emotion and explanation in protest mobilization

The role of emotion in social movement mobilization and political protest has received renewed attention in the past decade. However, few, if any, studies have followed the emotional trajectories of activists through their involvement in protest activity. This paper explores the significance of emotion in rural protests in Britain since 1997. Drawing on first-hand and second-hand sources, it focuses on the emotions of participants in pro-hunting countryside marches and in farmers' demonstrations as they move through various stages of mobilization. It proposes the metaphor of a ‘ladder of emotions’ to describe the different emotions that are foregrounded as mobilization proceeds. It suggests that emotional responses to perceived threats to a landscape or place-rooted way of life to which individuals have an emotional attachment are important as motives for political mobilization. These individual emotions are subsequently translated into collective action as emotions such as anger, frustration and desperation guide pathways for action. Successful mobilization also relies on participants overcoming initial emotions of fear or trepidation at protest activity, giving way to emotions of pleasure and pride that enthuse activists and help reproduce and sustain campaigns.     

I Quindici Giorni di Scanzano: identity and social protest in the New South

Abstract

This paper examines the dramatic events of ‘I Quindici Giorni di Scanzano’, the vast popular uprising in Basilicata in November 2003 that thwarted a government decree to create a consolidated national nuclear waste dump at Scanzano Jonico. The struggle cut across lines of locality, age, social class and political affiliation, mobilizing the populace with various symbols, including references to brigandage, postwar struggles for land, and the Madonna of Loreto. Solidarity for the protest came from all quarters of the South, especially the neighboring regions of Apulia and Calabria. Although government representatives and some of the media portrayed the Lucanians in recognizably anti-Southern tropes of ‘uncivicness’, this paper argues that this remarkable moment in Basilicata's history created a new sense of public identity and action that in many ways reflected recent intellectual discourses on the South.     

The evolution of early Egyptian civilization: Issues and evidence

Egypt's cultural evolution between 4000 and 2000 B.C. is reviewed in and related to methodological and theoretical issues in contemporary archaeology. Recent archaeological evidence from the Nile Delta is analyzed in the context of the cultural integration of the Nile Valley and Delta after about 3200 B.C.     

辛亥革命与民族主义

辛亥革命的民族主义,是认同血缘的种族主义,不是一致对外的民族独立建国,而是排斥国内已经溶合了的少数民族.清朝的满汉矛盾,经二百多年的溶合,在文化上已成一体.鸦片战争以后,已形成中西对立,"满洲人"三字只表示一个特权阶层的存在.但在戊戌变法失败后,革命党人以"驱除鞑虏"为政纲,把政治革命变成种族革命,实是一种倒退,应重新评估其价值.     

Whose Streets? Roadway Protests and Weaponised Automobility

The article examines the role of automobility in US-based anti-racism demonstrations and counter-demonstrations. We contrast the spatial strategies of highway occupations by racial justice activists, with so-called “weaponised car” attacks by the American far right. Analysing online memes and anti-protest legislation, the article explores under-acknowledged links between “automobile supremacy”—the structure of motorists' privilege as embedded in law, the built environment and the popular imaginary—and the patterns of racial stratification often termed “white supremacy”. We document three ways in which automobility has been enlisted as means of violence against protestors and against wider Black communities in the US: through the use of vehicles, right-of-way conventions, and roadways as weapons. The article demonstrates how the imperative to make way for the motorist has long provided cover for racial injustice.     

Tea Party imitators? The campaign against the carbon tax,the media and a new uncivil politics

The Gillard government's decision to reverse an election promise to not introduce a carbon tax prompted protest rallies around Australia during 2011–12. Beneath the hyperbole of critics who dismissed these protests as imitating US Tea Party extremism lies an intriguing possibility: that these are each examples of a new form of right-wing political expression enabled by structural changes in the media. This article considers the nature of the anti-carbon tax ‘people's revolt’ and its resemblance to the Tea Party. Both are a hybrid mix of top-down control and bottom-up grassroots populism whose emergence ‘outrage media’ facilitated. In a manner that echoes the support Fox News gave Tea Partiers, talkback radio in Sydney appears to have played a particular role shaping the identity, agenda and uncivil tone of the campaign against the carbon tax.

吉拉德政府决定背弃不征碳税的竞选承诺,在2011-12年引发了全澳大利亚的抗议示威。批评者将示威斥为对美国茶党极端主义的模仿。批评者夸张言辞的背后却是一种有趣的可能：此乃媒体结构变化所造成的、右翼政治表达的新形式。本文思考了反碳税“人民反叛”的性质,以及它与茶党的相似性。二者都是自上而下控制与自下而上草根民粹的混合,“愤怒的媒体”有利于它们的出现。就像狐狸新闻声援茶党那样,悉尼的对讲电台似乎在塑造反碳税运动的身份、议题以及粗暴的口吻方面发挥了特殊的作用。     

论埃及托勒密王朝王权与神权的关系

托勒密王朝是古代埃及史上一个重要历史时期。法老埃及的王权与神权之间从来就不是和谐统一的,始终存在矛盾和斗争。但是,在托勒密王朝,二者的关系发生了重大变化,王权有效地控制了神权。这主要是因为托勒密王朝的国王借鉴了法老埃及的经验,采取了有利于王权的政治、经济政策,等级和阶级关系决定了宗教祭司集团不可能干涉世俗政权,文化背景也使托勒密国王从意识深处拒绝给予宗教和祭司各种权力。托勒密王朝王权与神权之间是赤裸裸的利用与被利用的关系,这也正是托勒密王朝逐渐失去本土埃及人支持的重要原因之一。     

"革命领袖"何以形成——西方学者的三种方法论视角

西方“革命学”在学科分化和交叉发展的大背景下,对革命的起因、发展、结果以及革命浪潮的形成机制等问题进行了有益而全面的探讨,然而对于任何一场革命都必不可少的“革命领袖”的研究却相对薄弱。研究革命领袖的西方学者以心理学、心理史学和社会学三种理论方法来探讨促成革命领袖形成的各种要素。然而,他们关于革命领袖人物的研究基本上还是停留在依靠直觉把握和空泛想象的层次上,缺少经验分析以及建立在经验分析基础之上的全面的理论把握。     

"希腊化"还是"埃及化"——托勒密埃及希腊移民的文化地位研究

以托勒密埃及的希腊移民为考察对象．从婚姻、语育、宗教几个文化层面来探究托勒密埃及的希腊移民文化地位的变迁．对人们重新认识希腊化问题具有重要意义。希腊移民在托勒密王朝早期还能保留文化传统,到了公元前三世纪末以后。希腊移民认同和吸纳了埃及的一些文化因素,出现了“埃及化”的倾向．尤其是在宗教信仰方面。     

‘Angelic Spirits of ‘68’: Memories of 60s’ Radicalism in Responses to the 2010–11 UK Student Protests

The winter of 2010–11 saw a significant upsurge of student protest in Britain. This paper analyses the numerous references to 60s’ radicalism which circulated in responses to the protests, with a focus on left-wing media. Drawing on performativity theory, the paper traces the highly polarised divisions between affirmations and repudiations of ‘1968’ in responses to the protests. This polarisation, I argue, reflects an absence of a clear-cut collective memory of the British radical 60s. More broadly, the paper sheds light on the hitherto under-explored mechanisms through which memories of ‘1968’ shape the discursive and affective landscape of contemporary radical politics.     

Placemaking Through Protest: An Archaeology of the Lees Cross and Endcliffe Protest Camp, Derbyshire, England

The article describes the preliminary results of an archaeological survey of a protest camp occupied since 1999 in Derbyshire, England, and reflects briefly on the role of archaeology in researching contemporary activism and protests. The camp is structured by the everyday activities involved in living in the landscape, by the ‘manufactured vulnerability’ created using characteristics of the environment to contest an attempted eviction, and the public statements of protest that symbolise the campaign to the wider world. Through its longevity and the high profile of the wider anti-quarry campaign the camp is now a key element in the history of its landscape, and it is on these terms that it became the subject of archaeological research.     

革命的“病理学”——布林顿对“革命”的开拓性研究及其影响

布林顿的<革命的分析>是西方"革命学"(the study of revolution)中一部影响深远的著作.该书运用类似于"病理学"的自然科学方法对英、美、法、俄四国革命进行了深入的解剖和比较.布林顿认为旧制度的结构缺陷、知识分子忠诚的转移和统治阶级内部的分裂是这几场革命的共同原因;这几场革命都可以大致划分为旧制度的垮台、温和派统治时期、激进派统治时期和热月反动等四个阶段;革命的后果是政府效率的显著提高、财产的转移以及"成功革命传统"的形成.布林顿的理论对于后来的革命研究产生了深远的影响.     

20世纪初期革命精神的生成——以话语分析为径

民族精神的生成与培育,有赖于语言的承载与传播.20世纪初,革命上升为民族精神,一定意义上可视作中国现代性革命话语由渐到顿的变化过程.中国现代性革命话语既受儒家传统的影响,又吸收英语、日语中的现代性因素,到20世纪二三十年代,革命已由此前为人禁忌的词汇变为强势话语,由少数人的思想变为广大民众的精神追求.