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J. W. PALMER M. G. HOLLANDER P. S. Z. ROGERS T. M. BENJAMIN C. J. DUFFY J. B. LAMBERT J. A. BROWN 《Archaeometry》1998,40(2):361-382
Twenty-four cast copper crotals (commonly called bells), one 'spilled bell’, one tinkler bell and a number of minerals from locations throughout the Greater Southwest were analysed for their elemental composition by a PIXE nuclear microprobe at Los Alamos National Laboratory, New Mexico, USA. Sixteen bells contained minor and trace amounts of silver, antimony, arsenic, lead, and in some cases tin, strontium, and selenium. Nine bells contained little or no detectable amounts of these elements. This suggests that several workshops throughout the Greater Southwest and Mexico might have manufactured these bells. 相似文献
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ADAM ROGERS 《Oxford Journal of Archaeology》2011,30(2):207-225
This paper explores some theoretically informed ways in which to use the rich evidence relating to ports, harbours and other waterfront installations in archaeology. It argues that studies of waterfront structures within the specialisms of nautical/maritime and wetland archaeology are extremely important in their own right, but they could also be used to explore broader issues connected with their use and context. These include the cultural and religious significance of water and its dangers, the symbolic significance of landscape change, the relationship between people and their environment and the negotiation of the land/water interface. Examining the evidence of the port of Roman London as a case study, this paper explores the archaeology in its local setting and addresses a number of subjects relating to both its temporal and spatial position. It focuses on the religious significance of water and the implications of altering waterscapes through artificial construction. 相似文献
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A. RICHARDSON 《Oxford Journal of Archaeology》2005,24(4):415-426
Summary. The angles of orientation of 67 Roman camps were determined from their published plans. There was a marked tendency for them to be aligned close to the cardinal points but they were offset from those points by only 28 of a possible 45 angles and of these six occurred in 29 camps, probably because they were set out by making right-angled triangles whose non-hypotenuse sides were in whole number ratios. Twenty-seven forts on the British frontier walls were similarly orientated by only 12 angles, one of which occurred six times. The apparent accuracy of the layouts suggested that the directions of the meridian and latitude were first carefully determined. The use of a limited number of offset angles was probably due to a religious regard for celestial geometry. 相似文献
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David P. Jordan 《History and theory》2018,57(1):137-148
The argument here is that despite the many similarities of writing the history of ancient Rome, whether the Republic or the Empire, there are stark and significant differences between Edward Gibbon and Mary Beard. In part this is a matter of style and literary genius. It is also evidence of a vast cultural difference, reflected in changing attitudes about writing history and its importance. Beard is impatient with Gibbon's oratorical formality and conceits. Her own writing is easy and unmannered. These literary habits are determined by audience as well as personality. Gibbon addresses the English ruling class and enlightened opinion. His concerns are politics, religion, and law—the interests of his readers who governed and shaped opinion. Beard is more interested in the private and personal, subjects that until recently had only a marginal place in historical writing. She relies heavily on sources that were unknown to Gibbon, and might not have interested him anyhow. Her style mirrors these concerns. She does not assume her readers have had a Classical education nor that they know the general outlines of Roman history. She has little or no tolerance for Gibbon's obsession with religion, and, at least in SPQR, slight interest in either paganism or the rise of Christianity. Her thousand‐year slice of history—Gibbon also tackled a millennium—stops well short of Gibbon's broad philosophical vision of Rome as the cradle of Europe. These contrasts in style, taste, sources, and personality are not offered in judgment, but as commentary on the continuing vitality of Roman history. 相似文献
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Summary. A wide range of geomaterials were worked at industrial settlements scattered over an area of c.225 km2 in the Poole Harbour–Isle of Purbeck district of modern Dorset. These materials, more than one handled at some sites, included shale ('coal'), burnt shales (yellow, red) and cementstones from the Kimmeridge Clay Formation (Upper Jurassic), Purbeck marble from the Purbeck Group (earliest Cretaceous), hard chalk from the Chalk Group (Upper Cretaceous), and potting clays and sands from the Bracklesham Group (Palaeogene), for South-east Dorset Black-burnished Pottery Category 1. There was also a salt industry, which could have used pottery for packaging. The industrial products are conterminously distributed in southern and central Britain and, in the case of pottery and shale items, reached as far as the northern frontiers. Raw material of red burnt shale was exported to Silchester ( Calleva Atrebatum ), where it was made into mosaic tesserae. Of proven Kimmeridgian age on the evidence of fossils, the mudstone used to make it had been collected and quarried on the coast of the Isle of Purbeck before being burnt. The decline in the demand for stone products, excepting shale, in the second century AD saw an expansion of the potting industry, which persisted into the fifth century. The term complex-agglomerative is introduced to describe this diverse and dispersed enterprise at this highest hierarchical level, examples of which occur elsewhere in the Roman world. 相似文献
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EDWARD BIDDULPH 《Oxford Journal of Archaeology》2008,27(1):91-100
Summary. Wear-patterns inside Roman samian ware vessels provide a clue as to how the pots were used. The wear repeatedly seen in the cups, Dragendorff 27 and Dragendorff 33, is particularly distinctive. This paper reports the results of using reproduction cups to replicate the patterns in order to discover how these may have been formed. The results suggest that Dragendorff 27 was used in the kitchen as a mortar, while Dragendorff 33 was a wine-drinking vessel. Evidence from historical sources and graffiti supports this view, and suggests that the inhabitants of Roman Britain were conversant with Roman ways of cooking and dining. 相似文献
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During the first three centuries AD several eastern provinces of the Roman empire produced silver coinages of specifically local denominations and types. It has been claimed that at certain periods the mint of Rome was employed to strike some of these coinages, rather than the provincial mints to which the coins are traditionally attributed. This claim is based mainly on stylistic observations, but because style is regarded as subjective, some other form of evidence to support these observations is desirable. In this paper three types of coin are submitted to metallurgical analysis: silver denarii struck at Rome; Roman-style provincial silver coinage; and 'local'style provincial silver coinage. The aim is to discover whether the Rome-style and 'local'style coins have different trace element profiles, and whether these might indicate different ore sources or refining techniques. The results are then compared with Roman denarii to see whether there are any similarities between the denarii and the Rome-style provincial silver coins. 相似文献
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MALCOLM TODD 《Oxford Journal of Archaeology》1985,4(2):187-199
Until recently it has been commonly assumed that the Roman army made relatively little use of pre-exising fortifications such as hillforts and oppida. The accumulation of evidence over the past twent years suggests that this view is to be modified. The informastion now available from Gaul, Germany and especially from southern Britain indicates that military use of prehistoric strongholds was widespread and probably far from rare, notably in he early phases of occupation. Such use might reflect political control in the case of large oppida like the Titelberg, Camulodunum and perhaps Maiden Castle, or the securing of supplies, or possibly on occasion the use of native levies. 相似文献
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A broad selection of Roman lead‐glazed pottery dating from the first century ad through the fifth century ad was studied to establish locations of workshops and to address their technology of production. The ceramic bodies were analysed by ICP–AES. In addition, lead isotope analysis was undertaken on a selection of glazes. These findings suggested that there were several regions responsible for the production of lead‐glazed ceramics in the western Roman world, including central Gaul, Italy and, probably, Serbia and Romania. Using the body compositions as a starting point, the glazing techniques employed by each of the potential workshops were examined using electron probe microanalysis. It was determined that there were two primary methods of glazing. The first method used lead oxide by itself applied to non‐calcareous clay bodies, and the second method used a lead oxide‐plus‐quartz mixture applied to calcareous clay bodies. Based on these data for clay composition and glazing method, transfer of technology from the Hellenistic east to the western Roman world was proposed. Likewise, the inheritance of lead‐glazing technology into late antiquity was established by making comparisons to lead‐glazed ceramics dating to the seventh to ninth centuries from Italy, the Byzantine world and Tang Dynasty China. 相似文献
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A.J. PARKER 《Oxford Journal of Archaeology》1988,7(2):197-226
Summary. Wild birds were probably of little importance for food in Roman Britain, but there is some advantage, for ecology, conservation, archaeological reconstruction and education, in establishing a tolerably correct list of species present in Roman times. There are special problems for the recovery and identification of bird bones; on the other hand, historical and other sources are wanting for Roman Britain. There is no evidence for falconry in the Roman period; birds would be caught, for sport by lime-rods, and for food by a variety of methods. There is little definite evidence for religious use of wild birds in Roman Britain. The environment of Britain in the Roman period was, in many respects, quite similar to that of recent times, but the bird species recorded from Roman sites suggest that the landscape was rather varied, and favourable to wildlife. An up-to-date list of 94 wild species can be roughly quantified by the number of sites on which each has been found; both the more numerous species and the absentees offer some surprises, and the effect is to emphasize the Romanization of eating habits in the province. 相似文献
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In this paper we present data to demonstrate the applicability of laser‐ablation MC–ICP–MS isotope analysis to archaeological artefacts, in this case Roman silver coins. The technique requires no chemical preparation, does minimal damage to the sample and yields external reproducibility that is better than conventional TIMS analysis; 207Pb/206Pb =±0.015% 2σ in comparison with 207Pb/206Pb =±0.04% 2σ, respectively. We show that Pb isotope compositions give isotope fingerprints to mints despite the likely reworking of the metal during coin production. 相似文献
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OLWEN WILLIAMS-THORPE 《Oxford Journal of Archaeology》2008,27(1):73-89
Summary. Provenancing and archaeological information on Roman granite columns in the Mediterranean area has been collated from a range of published papers by the author and others, together with new analyses for Rome, to produce an integrated dataset comprising 1176 columns. This dataset allows an overview of Roman granite trade in seven regions across the Mediterranean area. Examination of the data indicates that columns made from Troad (Turkish) granite are the most numerous observed overall (compatible with Lazzarini's earlier (2004) observation that this is the most widely distributed type), followed by Aswan, then Elba and Giglio, and Kozak Dağ ( Marmor Misium ). In the city of Rome, Mons Claudianus columns predominate. In geographically peripheral parts of the Roman world (Spain, Israel), granite columns are mainly from local sources, and are generally of smaller sizes than those seen in Rome and Tuscany. Analytical data can be used to suggest multiple extraction sites within some quarries, and have the potential for identification of specific intra-quarry provenance. Dating evidence for primary use of columns from the quarries considered is relatively sparse, but suggests early (first century BC) exploitation of Spanish and Elba granites, while column production at Aswan and Troad persisted into the fourth century followed by reuse within later antiquity, in the fifth and seventh centuries AD. 相似文献
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RICHARD REECE 《Oxford Journal of Archaeology》1984,3(2):197-210
Summary. There is little doubt that Roman coins found today in excavations were lost during the Roman period because they were in use. If these coin-finds are examined in the appropriate way it should be possible to detect something of the patterns of coin-use and coin-loss in the ancient world and hence to learn something of the monetary side of trade and the economy. Finds from different sites are compared in an effort to establish basic rules of interpretation, or, failing that, of presentation of the evidence. 相似文献
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This paper reports the results of an archaeometric study of the local and imported marbles found in the Roman town of Cuicul (now Djemila, Algeria), a research project funded by the Sixth Framework Programme of the European Union. Of the few imported coloured lithotypes that have been found, four are of Greek origin and one was imported from Asia Minor. In addition, two other classical Roman coloured stones found on the site are probably of local North African origin (most likely one from Numidia and one from Algeria). With regard to the grey and white marbles employed in the statuary and architecture, petrographic study in thin section and the δ13C and δ18O isotopic data emphasize the frequent use of the local fine‐grained lithotype from Filfila (Skikda) together with imported Greek lithotypes (i.e., Pentelic marble, the dolomitic variety of Thasian marble, and Parian marble from Lakkoi) as well as different varieties of the so‐called ‘greco scritto’, whose provenance in some cases still remains uncertain. In fact, the petrographic and geochemical features of the marbles do not always match those known for the classical ‘greco scritto’ from the quarry of Cap de Garde, near Annaba (Algeria). 相似文献
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Compositional investigations were performed on 81 Roman and medieval glass fragments (first to 14th centuries ad ) from four Italian archaeological sites. The samples were soda–lime–silica in composition, with natron as flux for the Roman and early medieval glass samples, and with plant ash as flux for the late medieval ones. The varying colours are due to the differing FeO, Fe 2 O 3 , MnO and Sb 2 O 3 contents. Hierarchical cluster analysis identified six compositional groups related to age, which were compared with those found in the literature. In this way, technological continuity from the Roman to the early medieval period and the appearance of plant ash technology in the ninth century, 200 years in advance of the period previously believed, are demonstrated. 相似文献
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