论二次革命时期的省议会联合会

省议会联合会是在各省议会联合反对适用<谘议局章程>的斗争中产生的.二次革命前,省议会联合会激烈反对袁世凯政府独裁卖国行为;二次革命爆发后,又企图充当类似国会的角色,发挥国民党政治中枢的作用,但囿于事实和法理,该会既不能联合各省议会,又不能代表民意,作用有限,远不如清末的谘议局联合会.国民党在二次革命军事失败的同时,在政治、法律层面上也看不到任何胜利的希望.     

阎锡山与袁世凯称帝

袁世凯是个奉行封建专制主义的大独裁者。1914年1月,他下令解散了国民党占多数议员、作为最高立法和权力机关的国会,随之通令取消了各地方自治会和省议会。5月,又颁布了一部为他搞专制独裁服务的《中华民国约法》,同时宣布废除了南京临时政府制定的具有资产阶级民主共和性质的《中华民国临时约     

试论志刚《初使泰西记》中的议会形象

志刚在《初使泰西记》中记述了美、法两国议会的职能范围、议事规则及其与最高统治者之间的关系等。但是,志刚依然是从"衙门"与"官员"的角度来理解议会的设置与议员的选举的,实际上,志刚将对西方文明的评判,置于中国传统文化的框架之下。因囿于传统的价值观"、道器观"和以中华文化为本位的思维方式,当他观察法、美等国的议会文化时,看到的却是中国古代的"圣人之道"和贤人政治的理想。     

老楼见证的早期议会政治

位于北京市西城区宣武门西大街路北的57号院,现在是新华通讯社总部机关办公地。晚清时期的资政院曾设在这里;民国时期,这里又成为国会的议场和办公地。至今,这座院内仍有五座国会办公楼完好保存。楼房外表看上去很普通。但它们见证了辛亥革命前后中国早期民主议会政治历经坎坷、风雨飘摇的苦涩历史进程。     

外刊摘要

英国《新政治家》2月26日封面文章违宪危机2015年5月,英国将举行国会下院第五十六次大选。此次大选如果没有一个党派在议会中占有绝对多数席位,英国或陷入混乱和危机。英国国会大选是英国民主政治的载体,行政机关的组成应体现民意。但2010年的大选就暴露出问题:工党和保守党均未能取得超过国会下院半数的议席,保守党不想成立少数派政     

民初国会存废之争与民国政制走向

清末民初国人学习西方建立国会政制,但质疑声也随之而起。先是章太炎在清末发表《代议然否论》,明确对该制说否;20世纪20年代初,章士钊响应太炎,再次发难批评斯制。此时,中国国会政制实践已逾十年,代议制弊端充分暴露,加之受西方议会批判思潮影响,代议"然否"讨论很快转至"存废"方向,废除国会成为各界近乎一致的诉求。由于政治家面临"法统"与"革命"的两难选择,结果在未明确否定国会制度的前提下取消了现存国会。国人批判代议制的主要理由是人民的意志不能代表,代议制是间接民主,最好的政制形式是直接民主。在批判并处置国会的过程中,被认为体现直接民主的"国民会议"主张被各界提出。然而南京国民政府成立之初的政制设计与实践证明,直接民主在实际运作中难免因"僭代"而发生畸变,结果走向民主政治的反面。     

戊戌前后康有为议会思想的转变及其过程——以《第五书》和《第六书》之后从上下院到上议院的转变过程为主

在戊戌政变时期,康有为的政治思想主要围绕着议会体系有关问题而提出并阐述维新派的政治主张和要求。但在这一期间康有为的议会思想并不总是前后一致。通过分析,笔者认为在进呈《第六书》之前,康氏的改革路线仍然坚持上下两院制的议会体系,下院的结构和职权在康氏议会思想中占主导地位。在《第六书》后至百日维新宣布前的期间里,康有为持自上而下的开明君主路线(上院化制度局)和自下而上的民选下院路线(保国会活动)同时并行的政治策略。然而,自百日维新开始及康氏被召见并发表《答人论议院书》之后,他在民选下院和公民选举权这一激进路线上做出让步和妥协,上院的开明君主路线取而代之。但康氏的这一妥协并不表明他否定或放弃了在将来开设民选下院的终极理想。     

咨议局与山西政治现代化

1907年,清政府谕令各省督抚在本省设立咨议局,这是其颁布预备立宪国策后的一项重大举措,对以后清政府的宪政进程产生．了重大影响。山西省在进行一年筹备后,于1909年正式成立省咨议局。这是西方资产阶级现代代议制民主政治机构在山西省的开端,对山西省政治产生了深远影响。本文试从新政治机构山西省咨议局的建立和山西省政治民主因素的增加来考察咨议局对山西政治现代化进程的影响。     

关于明治宪法的再认识

关于明治宪法,迄今为止,在学界并未形成统一的认识,仍存在着许多疑点。传统观点认为,明治宪法只不过是“表面的立宪”,其实质是君主专制主义。近年来,开始着力发掘明治宪法中的立宪因素,强调明治宪法具有专制与立宪二重性的观点也正在抬头。我认为,要认识明治宪法,不仅有必要纵向地考察明治宪法的制定过程,更有必要横向地将其同当时欧美各国主要是君主立宪国的宪法进行比较,尤其是对于最能体现宪法本质的议会权限与地位进行比较,才能为明治宪法作出较合理的定位。一制定一部近代宪法,建立西方议会制度,是明治时代有识者的共同向往。他们认为…     

民初省议会贿选与民众澄省远的斗争--以安徽省第三届省议会为例

1921年安徽省第三届省议会选举受金钱势力与地方军阀操纵,各选区违法舞弊层出不穷,40余县发生诉讼,当选议员多系贿买而来。皖人否认选举结果并积极澄清省选,与当选议员进行了一系列斗争,最终本届省选被判决无效并被责令改选。选政的腐败及议会、议员的不良是皖人反对此届省议会的重要原因,也与防止倪系势力复活有关。总的来看,皖人反贿选斗争取得胜利具有一定的历史意义。     

The Power of Infrastructures: a Counternarrative and a Speculation

“Infrastructural power” refers to how states “penetrate” their societies and also how local organizations resist such attempts. This essay explores the latter sense of infrastructural power. First, it notes aspects of local power in ancient Mesopotamia, tracing the existence of councils and assemblies over about 3000 years and establishing the concept of a “heterarchy of power” in Mesopotamia, which is a counternarrative to assertions of totalitarian power by kings and central governments. There follows a cross-cultural review of selected other ancient cities and states in order to assess comparable and contrasting local organizations and degrees of infrastructural power. Finally, resistance to state power is explored, and a speculation about the qualities of stability and fragility of political power in early cities and states is advanced.     

Electoral salience and the costs of voting at national, sub-national and supra-national elections in the UK: a case study of Brent, UK

This paper considers the impact of distance to polling station upon electoral turnout. Using polling station level data from a London borough, it examines three types of election – parliamentary, European and local elections – over a twenty year period. The UK is notable among western liberal democracies for its relatively large turnout gap – the percentage point difference between turnout at elections for the Westminster parliament compared to that for other institutions, including local councils and the supra-national European parliament. This research considers the hypothesis that in high information, high salience elections for the national parliament the costs of voting associated with travelling to a polling station to vote in person are perceived as either low or insignificant but that in low information, low salience elections, those costs are perceived as higher and may act as a deterrent upon voting. A series of multi-level models consider the relationships between the dependent variable, percentage turnout, and a range of independent variables, including socio-economic characteristics, marginality as well as the spatial context. We show that there is indeed a relationship between distance and voter turnout, and other spatial and contextual variables, which are stronger for the lower salience European and local elections than for the higher salience national elections. Hence we conclude that the local geography of the polling station can have a significant impact on voter turnout and that there should be a more strategic approach to the siting of polling stations.     

“Folklore” and “popular religion” in Britain during the middle ages

This article explores whether the bi‐polar model of “elite” and “folk” or “popular religion” can be maintained for the medieval period. In fact, there were many strands to medieval religious culture, and people from a variety of backgrounds participated at a variety of levels on different occasions. Using a variety of chronicles and other sources, rather than the more dogmatic penitentials and canon law texts usually cited, this article argues that historians should make room for “local religious culture” in their taxonomies, in which both elites (including clerics) and people could participate.     

汉代黄老学述略——兼及曹魏时期

两汉是中国哲学史上黄老思想发展的重要阶段。西汉前期,部分地方黄老学派由隐而显,先后进入朝廷,开创了黄老学由民间学说飞跃而为官方统治思想的局面。汉武帝时期“罢黜百家,表彰‘六经’”虽为黄老学发展的转折点,但仅止于政治意识形态领域,在其他方面黄老学仍然有很大的发展。自西汉前期至东汉后期,有黄老学者或集聚于王公卿相门下讲论“道”“德”,或授徒讲学、著书立说,从而形成了若干地方黄老学中心。司马迁所说“儒道互绌”应是特殊情况下的个别而非普遍现象。司马迁前后学黄老者更多的是儒道兼习而学有所偏。汉魏时期崇习黄老的学者中,不但出现了家庭式、家族式的黄老学者团体,而且出现了对黄老学发展发挥了重要作用的三位女性。     

Councils, memory and mills: the early development of the Peace of God in Catalonia

The Peace councils which took place throughout west Francia from the late tenth century have long been recognized as complex political, social and ritual events. Discussions of the Peace, however, often neglect the local factors which informed these councils. The earliest councils in Catalonia were characterized by remarkable variety in both their organization and in their objectives. Some elements of these councils reflect longstanding regional traditions. Earlier provincial synods, for example, shared many of the same concerns expressed at Peace councils. Both synods and councils testify to an impressive level of regional episcopal co-operation. The 1027 Council of Toulouges provides a rich opportunity to explore the microsocial and micropolitical alliances and animosities which motivated one council. The monastery of Sant Miquel de Cuixà, whose abbot organized this council and two others, had been developing a network of mills and irrigation canals near the council's site. The choice of the council's site was motivated, in part, by the desire to secure Cuixà's grip on these property rights. The mills near Toulouges are an example of the local impulses which informed early Peace councils; understanding these impulses can contribute to current debates about the Feudal Revolution.     

Urban Policy in the Nordic Countries—National Foci and Strategies for Implementation1

In this paper we discuss the emergence and practise of an urban policy in the Nordic countries. We find that although the focus and organization vary among the five countries, there are common trends. Firstly, the emergence of an urban policy has challenged the Nordic welfare model because it emphasizes specific and geographically varied qualities, rather than general equity. Secondly, the emergence of an urban policy has challenged the traditional thinking about “urban” as a necessary evil, and replaced it with the notion of the “urban” as a positive driving force in society's well-being. Thirdly, the way urban policies are conceived and implemented has supplemented planning and regulations with programmes and initiatives involving local actors in governance based ways, but the state still has a strong role to play. The paper discusses these three statements based on a case study of the implementation of urban policies in the five Nordic countries.     

The Baha'i Faith: Distribution Statistics, 1925–1949

A survey of Baha'i global distribution statistics from the time of their first appearance in 1925 up to 1949. No official data for actual Baha'i populations was published at that time, and we have to rely on lists of local Baha'i councils (“spiritual assemblies”) and of places where Baha'is resided to get some sense of Baha'i distribution dynamics. Even this limited data enable us to describe a pattern of overall growth, from a presence in twenty‐nine countries and territories in 1925 to ninety‐two in 1949, from at least 573 localities worldwide in which Baha'is resided in 1928 to 2,315 by 1949, and 102 local spiritual assemblies in 1928 to 595 in 1949. Regional differences in distribution are discussed. The data shows a significant increase in distribution during this period but there is no evidence for any major corresponding increase in Baha'i numbers, such as began to occur from the mid‐1950s onwards.     

近代学术转型中的子史关系——以国粹派“诸子亦史”说为中心

“诸子亦史”说是清末时期国粹派提出的重要创见,是中国传统学术转型的表现形态之一。该说的提出,一方面,基于清代学者章学诚、龚自珍等关于诸子与史关系的思考;另一方面,缘于在晚清经今古文之争的情境中,反思康有为对孔子及诸子的宗教化阐释。章太炎、邓实、刘师培虽对子史关系的论证方式存在差别,但皆主张“诸子亦史”。就其内涵而言,“诸子亦史”说是“六经皆史”说的延伸和深化,是“诸子出于王官论”的另一种表述,是“尊史”意识下的诸子学重构。此后,老辈学人张尔田、孙德谦、江璨皆有类似的学术主张,反映了清末民初诸子学发展中的学术共识。从学术转型的角度来看,“诸子亦史”说扩展了史学的范围,提升了史学的地位;增强了诸子学的社会角色,进一步推动了诸子学的复兴;提供了诸子学的史学化之内生转型路径。     

“In Dubious Battle on the Plains of Heav'n”: The Politics of Possession in Jerusalem's Holy Sepulchre

Debates about the “divisibility” or “sharing” of religious sites continue to engage historians, political scientists and anthropologists. This paper assesses the issue of agency in two of the more salient critiques of religious coexistence before approaching the Holy Sepulchre, or Anastasis, as a site for investigating the way various constituencies, most significantly visiting pilgrims and resident monks, have dealt with issues of “sharing”. It contends that inter-communal antagonisms there originate with elite struggles over the possessions of places—struggles which tend to engage political actors far from the site of the conflicts rather than local communities—and concludes that, rather than accept an “identitarian politics” which assumes a profound “civilisational” attachment of cultures to religious identities, we must carefully assess the “politics of possession” which variously play out in sites of inter-communal engagement.     

Policy by Doing: Formulation and Adoption of Policy through Government Leadership

Do government choices, rather than legislative policies (i.e., mandatory regulations or incentives), influence the choices private actors make? In this article we develop a concept of “policy by doing,” which examines the power of government actions as hortatory tools to encourage other community members to act. “Policy by doing” can be an attempt to shape outcomes by providing symbolic leadership, reducing uncertainty, creating market, and telegraphing actions. Empirical analysis of privately held green buildings in 591 U.S. cities from 2004 to 2010 suggests that when governments increase their own commitment to green building for their facilities; private actors will be more likely to build green. We find that the actions of local governments, rather than those of state or federal, exert the strongest substantive influence on private decision making. Our findings contribute to understanding how governments can augment existing policy regimes by modeling the behavior they hope to inspire in other actors.