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1.
The presence of processed birds in the archeological faunal record is considered key to assessing human dietary evolution. Taphonomic studies on birds from sites older than Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 2 have become relevant in the last few years, leading to the proposal of more complex scenarios of human subsistence. Several works have demonstrated direct evidence of bird consumption by Homo prior to anatomically modern humans in Europe; however, others support the hypothesis of non-anthropogenic bird accumulations. This has led to the necessity of determining what elements or factors cause the human exploitation of birds in some archeological sites before the end of the Pleistocene. The Grotte des Barasses II site is located within this framework. Short-term human occupations have been attested by the presence of lithic tools and processed macrofaunal remains. Additionally, a small assemblage of bird bones has also been recovered. Here, we present a detailed taphonomic study with the aim of exploring possible relationships between these avian taxa and human occupations. Despite the fact that Neanderthals inhabited the cave, avian specimens show damage pointing to different causative agents. Direct evidence (digestion, gnawing) indicates that mammalian carnivores and nocturnal raptors were mainly involved in the accumulation of bird bones. We propose some factors that might determine whether or not small game was exploited in this specific locality and emphasize the importance of such analytical approaches in the general interpretations of the Pleistocene sites.  相似文献   

2.
In the last decade, research conducted in North Africa, particularly in northwestern Africa, has shed light on the key role that the region has played in improving our understanding of human evolution. Specifically, (1) the increased number of direct dates obtained with new methods has pushed back the age of the Aterian (~ 150,000 to 40,000 BP); (2) analyses of Aterian lithic assemblages have placed them within the range of variation of the Middle Stone Age; (3) analyses of associated human remains suggest that the makers of the Aterian are within the range of variation common among early modern human and present affinities with contemporary remains from the Levant (Qafzeh, Skhul); (4) zones of settlement, such as those in the present-day Sahara and coastal areas, and even the composition and demography of populations could have been influenced by specific climatic changes of the Late Pleistocene; and (5) the presence of blocks of pigment showing use-wear facets on their surfaces, the presence of pigments on artifacts, as well as osseous industry and earliest ornaments suggest complex behaviors among these populations. In this renewed approach to the Aterian, data from faunal analyses provide information on human-carnivore competition and the subsistence practices of hunter-gatherer groups. Taphonomic and zooarchaeological analyses suggest that humans were not the only large predators occupying caves, and that the hunter-gatherers of the Middle Stone Age exploited a wide range of environments, consuming terrestrial and coastal resources alike. Interdisciplinary confrontations highlight the apparent complexity of socioeconomic organization and the strategies of high levels of mobility that characterized Aterian groups.  相似文献   

3.
Island Southeast Asia extends across both the equatorial and the intermediate tropical zones of world climate, and it also spans a region of complex and geologically unstable land and sea relationships. The Sundaland region in the west and the isolated islands of Wallacea in the east both witnessed complex trajectories of human movement and evolution during the Pleistocene. The record of human evolution in Sundaland is still affected by uncertainties over phylogeny, dates, and archaeological correlations. Initial human settlement across Huxley's Line into Wallacea cannot at present be proven to be older than the Late Pleistocene. Stone tool industries dating to within the past 40,000 years are described, including new discoveries which indicate a surprising level of technological virtuosity. Human populations of the Late Pleistocene and Holocene are also considered in terms of skeletal and genetic data, particularly with respect to the rather controversial antecedents of the present, mainly Mongoloid, population. The article terminates its coverage at about 2000 B.C., within the period characterized by the expansion of speakers of Austronesian languages and by the expansion of agriculture into a porous and often-resistant network of hunter-gatherer societies. The archaeological and ethnographic records of the region bear witness to a continuous but dwindling existence of hunting and gathering right through to the present day. While the results of archaeology occupy a central position in the reconstruction of Southeast Asian prehistory, a proper understanding can be achieved only if a multidisciplinary standpoint is adopted.  相似文献   

4.

Coastal adaptations have become an important topic in discussions about the evolution and dispersal of Homo sapiens. However, the actual distribution and potential relevance of coastal adaptations (broadly, the use of coastal resources and settlement along shorelines) in these processes remains debated, as is the claim that Neanderthals exhibited similar behaviors. To assess both questions, we performed a systematic review comparing coastal adaptations of H. sapiens during the African Middle Stone Age (MSA) with those of contemporaneous Neanderthals during the European Middle Paleolithic. In both species, systematic use of marine resources and coastal landscapes constitutes a consistent behavioral signature over?~?100,000 years (MIS 6–3) in several regions of Africa and Europe. We found more similarities than differences between Neanderthals and modern humans, with remaining disparities all in degree rather than kind. H. sapiens exploited a wider range of marine resources—particularly shellfish—more intensively. MSA shellfish-bearing sites are also more often associated with intense occupations on coastal landscapes, and more evidence of complex material culture such as shell beads. In terms of broader ramifications, Pleistocene coastal adaptations are best conceived of as an ‘add-on’ to previous adaptive strategies, complementing more frequently exploited inland resources and landscapes. Still, Neanderthals and modern humans increased their dietary breadth and quality, and added options for occupation and range expansion along coastlines. Potential evolutionary implications of these multi-generational behaviors include higher intakes of brain-selective nutrients as a basis for neurobiological changes connected to increased cognitive capacities, but also greater reproductive success, dispersal abilities and behavioral flexibility. Whether gradual differences between modern humans and Neanderthals stimulated different evolutionary trajectories is a question for future research.

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5.
The unusual nature of the Neanderthal archaeological record has attracted the attention of archaeologists for the past 150 years. On the one hand, the technical skill apparent in their lithic technology, the practice of symbolic cultural behaviours (such as burials), and their successful survival in harsh environmental conditions for more than 200,000 years demonstrate the adaptive success and underlying humanity of the Neanderthal populations. On the other hand, the apparent lack of abundant and repeated use of symbolic material culture has resulted in a number of researchers arguing that these populations were largely incapable of symbolism – a conclusion with significant implications for social organisation. This paper reviews ideas regarding the use of ‘place’ or ‘landscape’ by Neanderthals and argues that the identified differences between the archaeological records of Neanderthals and late Pleistocene Modern Humans is not so much the result of significant variance in cognitive capacities, but rather the use of contrasting approaches to interaction with the physical landscape. ‘Landscape socialisation’ is a Modern Human universal, but what if Neanderthals did not participate in this kind of landscape interaction? Would this difference in behaviour result in the apparently contradictory archaeological record which has been created? The ideas presented in this paper are drawn together as a hypothesis to be developed and tested.  相似文献   

6.
The Neanderthal populations of the Upper Pleistocene have been regarded by a number of anthropologists as direct ancestors to modern man. Results of multivariate analyses conducted in this study suggest that early Neanderthal crania were morphologically more like modern Homo sapiens than were the later Neanderthals. The implications of these results are discussed in the light of archaeological evidence and comparative studies of Pleistocene crania from outside Europe.  相似文献   

7.
ABSTRACT

Children growing up today face a multitude of climate-related challenges, requiring a capacity for creative and ethical modes of attending to both the known and unknown effects of a changing climate. In response to these challenges, I explore the potential in children’s weathering encounters, as observed during an ethnographic research project titled Walking with Wildlife in Wild Weather Times. In particular, I consider the various ways children engage with the weather and what this reveals about our (human) interconnections and minglings with the weather world. In this paper, I focus specifically on the temporal dimensions of child/weather encounters. My aim is to show that taking the time with children to slow down and attend to the elemental affects in the world, can reveal a weathered entanglement of past, present and future and a foundation for a curious and open attentiveness in responding to the climate challenges ahead.  相似文献   

8.
Áridos 1 and Áridos 2 (Madrid, Spain) are two Middle Pleistocene sites belonging to the isotopic stages 9–11. Both places contain partial carcasses of Elephas (Paleoxodon) antiquus associated to Acheulian stone tools. In this work, the taphonomic study of the elephant remains of Áridos 2 is presented. This study has documented several cut marks on different bones, which indicate bulk flesh and viscerae extraction by Middle Pleistocene hominins. Several arguments are provided to support that at least some of the cut marks were made with handaxes, further suggesting that some of these artifacts were butchering tools in this stage of human evolution. Although cut marks on elephant carcasses have been documented at some Middle Pleistocene sites, very few have been published in detail to allow consideration of their status as hominin-imparted marks. By doing so, the present study provides more evidence of large carcass exploitation by hominins during this period.  相似文献   

9.
The late Mousterian of Acheulian tradition (MTA) site of Pech-de-l'Azé 1 shows a very particular stratigraphic sequence characterized by numerous elements not usually found in Mousterian contexts such as avifauna exploitation and the use of hundreds of mineral pigments. Recent zooarchaeological and skeletochronological analyses provide new insights into the evolution of subsistence behaviors and settlement patterns of the Neanderthals that inhabited the shelter. Due to changes in hunting season, Neanderthals adapted their hunting strategies, exploiting various red deer populations which presented very different behavior. The evolution in the seasonal occupation of the shelter may have been the results of major modifications of its (series of roof collapsed) which induced a shrank in inhabitable space., which forced the Mousterians to adjust the way they used the cavity to its characteristics in order to optimize its exploitation. The conclusions underline the excellent adaptability of the Neanderthals to their physical environment.  相似文献   

10.
This article presents the results of multidisciplinary studies conducted at Chagyrskaya – an Upper Pleistocene karst cave in the northwestern Altai where Middle Paleolithic stone tools and fossil remains of Neanderthals were found. Taphonomic aspects of the site are addressed, and results of science-based analyses including radiocarbon and paleomagnetic dating are presented. The deposits are similar to loess-like Upper Pleistocene loams of Western Siberia. Among the Middle Paleolithic industries of the Altai, the Chagyrskaya industry is paralleled only by that of Okladnikov (formerly Sibiryachikha) Cave. Both represent a local Middle Paleolithic Mousteroid facies, named Sibiryachikha after the eponymous site.  相似文献   

11.
Many caves in Sierra de Atapuerca contain archaeological and anthropological remains from the Early Pleistocene until the Holocene. The fi rst half of the Late Pleistocene (MIS 4 and 3) has only been detected in open air deposits discovered on the basis of total cover surface surveys. Excavation at one of them, Hundidero, began in 2004. The Middle Paleolithic tool record spans the period between 70 ka and 56 ka. The technological and typological features of Hundidero, along with records from 30 other contemporary open air sites at Atapuerca, suggest repeated visits by Neanderthals who shared the same cultural tradition, characterized by expedient tool production, a diversity of exploitation techniques, a microlithic tendency, a search for dorsal faces, and the reuse of previous tools. These characteristics do not seem to depend on the conditions of the raw materials, the climate or the group's activities.  相似文献   

12.
Stable isotope analysis is increasingly used to gain insight in the configuration of Pleistocene ecosystems. The application of isotope analysis to Neanderthal and cave hyena bone assemblages has led to hypotheses about the niche differentiation between these species. Comparing isotopic data with archaeozoology analyses shows discrepancies between the results of both analytical methods. Here, the results of all northwest European stable isotope studies on Neanderthals are reviewed. The emphasis of the analysis is on a sample of sites from MIS 4-3 in southwest France. Causes of the discrepancy between archaeozoological and stable isotope results are discussed and hypotheses reconciling the data are proposed. Recommendations for further research will allow testing of the hypotheses and increase our understanding of the functioning of Pleistocene ecosystems.  相似文献   

13.
Over the past four decades several workers have argued that the orientations of striations on the labial surfaces of the front teeth of Middle and Late Pleistocene fossils attributed to Neanderthals and antecedent archaic hominids can tell us something about handedness. These researchers have suggested that such scratches result from stone tools scraping across the incisors during ‘stuff‐and‐cut’ behaviours, and that they reflect directions of hand movements and handedness. In this study, we examine comparable wear features on the incisors of anatomically modern humans to determine whether striation angle may reflect handedness. The teeth from 66 individuals representing four groups with known differences in subsistence practices (Aleut, Arikara, Illinois Bluff, and Puye) were examined. Photomicrographs were made of the maxillary central incisor labial surfaces of all individuals at 56× magnification. These photomicrographs were scanned to image files, and orientations of all visible wear striations were measured using a semi‐automated image analysis procedure. Approximately three‐quarters of all labial surfaces showed a preferred striation orientation. Of those, most had preferred apico‐cervical or vertical striation orientations, independent of cultural affiliation. Few showed the tendency toward diagonally‐oriented scratches expected if handedness is related to scratch orientation. We found no evidence for ‘stuff‐and‐cut’ striations, despite the fact that at least one of the groups studied—the Aleut—are documented to have used this behaviour. In sum, there is evidently no relationship between striation orientation and handedness in the groups studied. It is, therefore, unlikely that labial scratch orientation in Middle and Late Pleistocene hominids reflects handedness if they used their front teeth in a manner comparable to that of any of the anatomically modern groups considered here. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

14.
The British Middle Palaeolithic is divided into two discrete periods of occupation: the Early Middle Palaeolithic (MIS 9–7, ~330–180 ka BP) and the Late Middle Palaeolithic (MIS 3, ~59–36 ka BP), separated by a long hiatus. Owing to the relative poverty of the record and historical difficulties in dating and correlating archaeological sites, the British Late Middle Palaeolithic has, until recently, received scant attention, and has largely been regarded as the poor man of Europe, especially by British archaeologists. Indeed, there has been more discussion of the absence of humans from Britain than of what they did when they were present. We aim here to redress that situation. Following from recent considerations of the Early Middle Palaeolithic (White et al. in J. Quat. Sci. 21:525–542, 2006; Scott, Becoming Neanderthal, Oxbow, Oxford, 2010), we offer an interpretative synthesis of the British Late Middle Palaeolithic, situating ‘British’ Neanderthals in their chronological, environmental and landscape contexts. We discuss the character of the British record, and offer an account of Neanderthal behaviour, settlement systems and technological practices at the northwestern edge of their known Upper Pleistocene range. We also examine the relationship of the enigmatic Early Upper Palaeolithic leafpoint assemblages to Neanderthals.  相似文献   

15.
A cranium of a young female cave bear (Ursus spelaeus R.) was found in the Upper Pleistocene sediments of Bear Cave in Kletno, SW Poland. A detailed analysis of the cranium, including radiology, CT and histological methods, revealed numerous pathological changes caused both by diseases and by injuries inflicted by another predator. It is likely that during its lifespan, the young female was exposed to several attacks (bites on the head) from adult bears. The injuries varied in extent and caused bone infection and inflammation. The nature of most of them suggests that they were not fatal but could have had a significant effect on the overall fitness of the animal. In contrast, the lesions on the frontal bone and in the anterior part of the parietal bone may have been the cause of the individual's death. Additionally, the cranium was found to have cut marks, sharp‐edged longitudinal scars that indicate the use of a sharp‐edged tool, and are usually interpreted as effects of skinning. The finding is suggested to be indirect evidence of the existence of people in southern Poland during the Pleistocene. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

16.
Esquilleu cave site has provided a moderately well preserved archaeological cave deposit from the Late Pleistocene in the Cantabrian area. Phytolith quantification, identification and determination of the refractive index have been carried out, together with FTIR analyses, from sediment samples collected in the profile. The comparison of the data obtained with the previous micromorphological results allows us to make inferences about the site formation processes and the Neanderthals use of the cave. Phytolith results show the presence of grass leaves nearby the hearth suggesting the repetitive existence of a bedding zone on the same area. Neanderthal behavioral patterns should be revised on the light of high resolution analyses, since diagenetic processes can obscure the existence of differentiated activity areas in the site.  相似文献   

17.
18.
Knowledge of the climatological processes that drive the Australian summer monsoon and the ecological consequences of this highly predictable seasonal cycle of wet summers and dry winters has greatly increased over the last several decades. Nonetheless, remarkably little is known about the antiquity of this climate system or how the geographic extent and duration of the monsoon have varied across temporal scales from the recent to the distant geological past. Late Pleistocene sedimentary records from lakes in the interior and north of the Australian continent have been used as a measure of the strength of the palaeo–monsoon. However, in the case of the inland lakes this approach is confounded because it is known that under the contemporary climate, full–lake conditions occur infrequently in response to high rainfall following either a strongly positive ENSO phenomenon (la Nina conditions) or following the continental incursion of tropical depressions. While the general absence of sedimentary and fossil records of the early Pleistocene and late Tertiary prevents elucidation of the timing of onset of the summer monsoon, the degree of biological adaptation of a diverse assemblage of organisms to the wet–dry tropical climate suggests that the summer monsoon climate is of great antiquity. This point is substantiated by a brief review of the ecophysiology of a range of Eucalyptus savanna plant species, the biophysics of the endemic ‘magnetic’ termite mounds and the reproductive cycle of a freshwater turtle. Assuming that the configuration of land and sea is of critical importance in controlling the strength of the Australian summer monsoon, then the notion of great antiquity of the monsoon is also consistent with the fact that for much of the Quaternary, and probably also during the late Tertiary, the relative extent of sea and land has been similar to that of today. The reliable, dry season, southeasterly trade winds create conditions favouring widespread, frequent bushfires. Under both European and Aboriginal management regimes most fires are started by people, although fires can be started by rain–free thunderstorms that occur during the transition between the dry and wet season when intense convection storms are common. Prior to human colonisation such storms would have been an important ignition source for landscape fires, and this may help explain why the north Australian biota is so remarkably tolerant of recurrent fires. The general absence of fossil evidence also frustrates attempts to determine what effect burning by late–Pleistocene human colonisation had on the north Australian landscapes. Given the tolerance of biota to fire, this change may have only affected vegetation structure. Therefore the effect may be very difficult to detect from the pollen record once suitable longer–term records become available. The isotopic signature in extinct and extant ratite eggshells from late Pleistocene sediments in the Lake Eyre basin has been used to infer the destruction of large expanses of woody vegetation by anthropic burning. It has been hypothesised that this changed the hydrological cycle thereby ultimately weakening the continental penetration of the summer monsoon. However, this interpretation is difficult to sustain given the great difficulty in extracting a clear ‘signal’ of an anthropic impact from the inherent variability and fragmentary record of the palaeo–summer monsoon.  相似文献   

19.
The evolution of littoral palaeoenvironments in the southern Pampas region of Argentina towards the end of the early Holocene and the beginning of the mid Holocene is discussed, and the formation processes of the archaeological site of La Olla are analysed. This site is located in the intertidal zone of the present beach and is remarkably well-preserved. The human occupation at the site has been dated at between 7400 and 6480 yrs BP, and is interpreted as a place for the processing and consumption of the southern fur seal (Arctocephalus australis) and southern sea-lion (Otaria flavescens). It is concluded that biostabilization by microbial mats of the sedimentary structures and archaeological remains that developed and are present on the tidal flat prevented their erosion by wind, turbulence currents and waves. This is what has permitted the exceptional preservation of the site. On the basis of the analyses of one of the sectors of the site it can be concluded that the sedimentary succession of the La Olla site is the result of the coastal environmental changes during the early–mid Holocene in the pre-maximum transgressive episode. During this interval a tidal flat developed on the Pleistocene abrasion platform. Human occupation occurred during the formation of mixohaline marsh, an upper intertidal–lower supratidal zone ecosystem.  相似文献   

20.
The geomorphological evolution of the upper Chienti river basin, during the late Pleistocene and the Holocene, was characterized mainly by numerous landslides, strongly affecting the river dynamics, that produced falls, deviations and in some cases total obstructions with the formation of lakes sometimes extending for some kilometres. Moreover, particularly during the Holocene, phytoclastic and phytohermal travertine deposits were deposited in correspondence of steps along the river bed; one of these deposits, by means of radiocarbon dating, has been dated between 8260 ± 100 yr BP and 7740 ± 80 yr BP. Stromatolithic travertine is also present at the base of Holocene channels, slightly incised on the top of the upper Pleistocene alluvial plain.  相似文献   

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