全球化、民族国家与东亚认同

世纪交替之际,以全球化和欧洲一体化为背景,东亚区域统合问题陡然成为世人关注的焦点。值得注意的是,一些政治家和学在谈及这一话题时,普遍意识到在不同政治体制和存在严重历史纠葛的东亚国家间建立共同体的难度,认为这种东亚共同体的形成将是很遥远的事情。同时,一些以中日两国国民间相互认识为主题的问卷调查也常常得出彼此间存在严重不信任的结论,而罕有亲和之意。     

对中国民族国家的认识

民族国家是现代国家的基本形态,具有领土、主权独立、垄断合法使用暴力、民族主义政治文化和统一的国内市场这五个特点。中国民族国家作为一个多民族国家,它的演变和发展有其自身的特点。本文从三个方面介绍了强化中国民族国家认同建设的途径和方法。     

新中国国家认同的历程

中华人民共和国的建立使得国家构建主体发生了变化。首先,新中国的成立不仅标志着国家获得独立,民族获得解放,人民获得民主权利,而且将新的国家建立在民族认同的基础上,实现了民族认同与国家认同的统一,即民族国家。其次,战争威胁、冷战仍然是凝聚国家认同的一个重要因素,例     

国家构建视角下的区域差距问题

中国的区域发展问题逐渐形成于我国改革开放以后,尤其是在二十世纪九十年代初随着市场经济合法性的确立,区域差距进一步明显。这其中与国家构建存在着内在的逻辑关联性,即国家构建的非均衡性导致了我国地区发展差距出现的必然性。本文试图从现代国家构建的纬度来探析中国的区域差距问题。     

华夏民族与国家认同意识的演变

华夏民族与国家的演进和互动走着一条与西方不同的发展道路,由此形成古代中国民族认同与国家认同的同一性传统及民族意识中的民族与国家认同相一致的深层价值结构,同时也导致古代中国独特的政治地缘与民族地缘的特征。它使中国在国家与民族认同上呈现重要特点:即族别上的兼容性、民族统一与国家安全的一致性、文化的开放性。近代以降,传统家天下的国家与民族意识受到严峻挑战,其认同观念面临断裂和重新阐释、再塑的问题。以孙中山为代表的近代仁人志士积极探索民族国家的重建途径,创造性地提出政治革命与民族革命相统一的思想,并以此为核心构建近代中华民族国家中民族认同与国家认同新的一致性。     

构建民族国家：辛亥革命前后的中国边疆

本文着重从民族国家构建的角度探讨辛亥革命前后蒙、藏等边疆地区的政治变迁。辛亥革命使“五族共和”、“中华民族”学说从思想变成了政治实践,实际上成为梁启超政治思想、价值体系的代行者。可以说,因辛亥革命而昌盛的“五族共和”、“中华民族”观念作为民国初期政府整合中央与边疆地方的意识形态,对边疆地方的民族国家之认同影响极深。     

论贵州世居民族的国家认同

世居在贵州境内的各民族,有强烈的国家认同意识。他们能够确认自己的公民身份,对国家有明确的认同感。这从他们的活动参与、政治认同、身份认同等方面充分体现出来。     

晚清民族国家构建中的“满蒙联姻”地位研究

清代中前期,满蒙联姻在构建满蒙关系、促进民族融合方面具有重要地位。然而,当进入近代民族国家构筑之时代,国家构建成为时代呼声之时,清朝统治者发现,过于执拗＂满蒙联姻＂与构建一个统一的民族共同体相颉颃。为了维护其统治的合法性,清朝统治者开始放弃满蒙联姻,取消原有人为的地域分离和血缘区隔,努力创造一个＂各族群体平等＂的神话,然后在此基础上走上了铸造近代国民的道路,构建一个统一的多民族国家。可以说,满蒙联姻的解体,在很大程度上与清朝统治者试图构建一个统一的民族国家的历程是一致的。     

“The Balkans’ Other within”: Imaginings of the West in the Republic of Macedonia

Using the case study of the Republic of Macedonia, I explore how people who live in a realm conventionally cast as insufficient of “the European Self” imagine “the West”. Such imaginings are important because they are intertwined with negotiations of nationhood and citizenship. I argue that in local constructions of the global social order, Macedonia emerges in an interstitial position between “the Balkans” and “the West” as “the Balkans’ Other Within”. Social actors craft this position out of Western hegemonic constructions of the Balkans as a socio‐political anomaly and portray “the Other within” (Macedonia) as the engulfed land of promise. The case study of Macedonia allows us to refine the concepts of “Balkanism” by underlining local perspectives on the promise that “the West” carries for the Balkans and “Orientalism” by emphasizing the possibilities that the construction of the Orient charts for the future advancement or demise of the Self.     

Representations of the Chudes in Norwegian and Russian Folklore

Abstract

The objectives of this article are (1) to reveal the meaning (semantics) of the word “Chude” in Norwegian and Russian cultures; (2) to analyze Russian and Norwegian legends about the Chudes in order to define the main plot-constructing elements. When writing this article the authors used a synchronous and diachronous methods of analysis of material that was written down in a period that exceeds one and a half centuries. In etymological sense the word “Chude” (tsjude or Cud) can be derivative form from old Slavic form *tjudjo (strange, foreign) that can in its turn be borrowing from a Gothic or a German word that got the meaning “a nation” (folk). With the Sami the word “tshudde”/ “shutte” means an enemy, an adversary. The image of the Chudes has been preserved in Russian and Norwegian narrative traditions. Oral stories in Norway are called sagn. In Russian folkoristic narratives about the Chudes are traditionally called “predanie”.

The ethnonym “Chude” has a collective meaning in Russian and Norwegian folklore. In Norwegian culture it means plunderers of different ethnical belonging who came from the East to plunder the local population in the Northern Norway. As the undertaken research has shown, this name could have been applicable to Russian, Finns, Karelians, Kvens and peoples speaking Nordic languages (Swedes). In the Russian cultural tradition the name “Chude” was used to name different Finno-Ugric peoples living in the North-West Russia before the Russians came there and who later assimilated with the Russians. The Kola Sami called Swedes and Norwegians who came to them from the west to plunder the Chudes. The existence of a people in the same name in the old times is not excluded. The research carried out by place name scientists reveals that this people could be related to the Baltic-Finnish group of peoples.

The word Chude has historical and mythological aspects. Folk legends about the Chudes have “preserved” memories about the historical past of the northern region. Additionally this ethnonym contains conceptions of the world's binary character that are typical for archaic consciousness. Folk legends about the Chudes are widespread in the European North of Russia while plots about militant and plundering Chudes are localized in traditional Sami regions of Russia and Norway. In folk legends and sagn, the Russians and the Sami belong to one's “own” world, while the Chudes are associated with the concepts of the “strangers”. This nomination acquired the meaning “a stranger”, “a robber”.     

论顾颉刚的中华民族共同体思想:以民族史编撰为中心

清末民初以来,面对国家危亡的局势,许多知识分子通过“中华民族”话语和历史书写,推动民众民族意识的觉醒。其中,顾颉刚的民族史编撰思想尤其具有典型意义。顾颉刚最初只希望做与实用和政治无关的学问,其古史辨致力于打破中国“民族出于一元”的神话,这无疑与当时已兴起的中华民族话语相抵牾;在“九一八”事变后的民族危亡之际,他自觉地转向救亡图存和民族边疆现实问题的研究,并在反思其疑古立场的基础上,结合中国的历史与现实,提出了“中华民族是一个”的理论,强调以此理论为核心编撰中国通史和民族史,纠正古史材料“言分化有余,言团结不足”的偏颇,以历史教育培育中华民族共同体意识。尽管顾颉刚的中国通史和民族史编撰事业并未完成,但其民族史编撰思想及理论自觉意识,对新时代加强中华民族共同体历史研究和铸牢中华民族共同体意识仍有着重要的启示意义。     

A Rejection of the Aramaic Origin of the Chinese Word for Monastery

Christopher Beckwith has recently devoted two publications concerning the origin of the word for “monastery” in East Asia. The proposed Aramaic origin has met with criticism from two eminent authorities, Laurent Sagart and Alexander Vovin. While the present article is not interested in the debate per se, here renamed the “Beckwith Controversy,” it is important to discuss in more detail Beckwith’s view about the Chinese word si 寺 (monastery), its origin, and its reconstruction. It is concluded that, although very imaginative in its conclusions, Beckwith’s argument is methodologically opaque and, therefore, should be definitely abandoned in favour of more plausible solutions.     

Ethnic Heritage as a Tourist Attraction: the Peranakans of Singapore

Singapore's multiculturalism is an important theme in the country's destination marketing and the paper explores the manner in which ethnicity is depicted in promotional material and the forces shaping the decision-making process. The nature of Peranakan culture, a unique synthesis of Chinese and Malay influences, is the subject of particular discussion and its actual and potential role as a tourism resource is analysed. State authorities are seen to exercise considerable power, making use of tourism images to reinforce political ideologies through the communication of messages about preferred versions of identities. However, tourism representations also convey something of the complex realities of identity in Singapore and perhaps can assist in increasing awareness of, and protecting, the cultural heritage of more marginalised groups. Insights are thus offered into the relationship between tourism and ethnic heritage in plural societies and its management.     

种族问题研究中三个基本概念的界定与阐释

"原住民"、"土著"和"第一民族"是种族问题研究中常常遇到的三个基本概念。原住民是指最早定居在某地方的族群;土著最初是西方殖民者对当地原住民的称谓,而现在也泛指原住民;第一民族原来是加拿大的一个种族称谓,与印第安人同义,指的是在当今加拿大境内的北美洲原住民及其后裔,后来也可指代其他国家的意在凸显其历史渊源、独特文化和地位的原住民。     

秦襄公东进关中线路考

秦襄公东进关中,在秦早期发展史上有着划时代意义。但就其东拓之路线,史书没有明确记载。笔者通过实地考察表明,秦襄公东进关中所走的路线是由甘肃张川县的秦邑,经秦家塬至陕西陇县汧邑的“秦汧道”。从秦邑到汧邑全程约113公里,其中甘肃境内约50公里,陕西境内约63公里,陇山山区约70余公里。     

The neighbor as mirror: Representations of the Korean March First Movement in modern Chinese discourses of nationalism

Abstract

The outbreak of the Korean March First Movement in 1919 was followed by intensive reporting and commentary in Chinese media, presenting striking images of the brutality of the Japanese colonizers, the resolve for independence among the Korean people, and the concept of national self-determination. The March First Movement provided the Chinese people with a vivid example of the transformation of the abstract concept of “universal principles” into the practice of “national self-determination,” and strengthened consciousness of “national independence” among the Chinese people. Over the ensuing two or three decades, the “March First Movement” gradually seeped into the Chinese nationalist movement and discourses on national liberation, playing the role of “the neighbor as mirror,” and continuing to provide both positive inspiration and negative reference points for the Chinese people following the path of national independence. This linkage and interaction between “weak nations” aids in understanding the modern Chinese nationalist movement, as well as the mechanisms for development of the national independence movements among colonized peoples which swept across the globe in the early 20th century.     

Narratives and Their Contexts: A Critique of Greger Andersson with Respect to Narrative Autonomy

Greger Andersson's 2001 monograph represents a significant contribution to current thinking regarding the book of Judges because it contains what may be the first systematic critique of the synchronic approach that has dominated Judges studies in recent years. Unfortunately, the two main theses upon which Andersson based his critique, namely, that narratives are autonomous and that they are resistant to reworking, may not in themselves be sustainable. For not only are there counter-examples to dispute the claim that narratives are resistant to reworking, it also appears that Andersson has overreached in his attempt to impose an overly restrictive view of non-referentiality and narrative autonomy on all narratives.     

英国对台湾地区的政策特点及原因浅析(1950-1960年)

在东西方冷战的背景下,英国对台湾地区的政策受到多方面因素的影响,是一个棘手且无法回避的敏感问题。20世纪50年代,英国对台湾地区的政策呈现“政经分离”的特点:政治上保守慎重,强调与台湾当局保持距离;经济上积极主动,努力促进双方贸易的发展。英国政府之所以采取这一政策,不仅考虑到台海局势的严峻性、复杂性,也受英国重商主义传统与灵活务实外交思维的影响。英国对台湾地区的“政经分离”政策,使其在兼顾自身政治与经济利益的同时,也加剧了台海局势的复杂性。