辛亥革命与禁烟运动

清末禁烟新政虽然卓有成效,但却无法挽救清王朝的覆亡命运,反而加速了辛亥革命的爆发。辛亥革命使中国社会天翻地覆,自然也影响到了正在进行的禁烟运动。辛亥革命初期．由于政局动荡,禁烟运动受到了阻碍;而革命政权一旦稳固,中央及各地革命政府便立即将禁烟提上日程,雷厉风行。采取各种有效措施,进一步推动了禁烟运动的发展。袁世凯窃国后,因辛亥革命的成果尚留余波,故禁烟运动仍能继续发展。而辛亥革命的成果一旦被破坏殆尽,陷入军阀混战,则禁烟运动便沦没于无形之中。革命固然不可避免地给社会带来阵痛,但却能使整个社会得以新生,而否定革命成果,则必然为社会近代化进程带来莫大危害。民主革命与社会近代化建设之辩证关系。由此可见一斑。     

The 1984 Presidential Campaign and the Future of Election Studies

This paper examines the role of leadership in the U.S. House in the context of arguments raised in Woodrow Wilson's Congressional Government. It begins with a discussion of the speakerships of Henry Clay and Thomas Reed as counterexamples to Wilson's generalizations (a model that links the degree of preference homogeneity among legislative followers to a leader's decision about whether to exert policy leadership is presented in an Appendix). Next we argue that preference homogeneity, leadership style and institutional structure form a kind of equilibrium, drawing on the history of the House for supporting evidence. Finally we discuss the application of our theory to House Democrats in the 1980s.     

1954年湖北水灾与救济

1954年长江中下游发生特大水灾,其中湖北省遭受的损失尤为严重。面对肆虐的洪水,湖北省党政军民在中共中央和中央人民政府以及全国人民的支援下,采取了一系列措施积极救灾。在水灾救济中表现出明显的特点:政府(包括中央政府和地方政府)承担起组织救灾的任务,成为救灾的组织者和指挥者;积极组织灾民生产自救,促使社会功能尽快恢复正常;努力帮助灾民克服灾民意识,在物质救灾的同时加强精神救灾。     

Dental morphological evidence for biological continuity between the A-group and C-group periods in lower Nubia

Data are presented on non-metric dental morphological traits in skeletal samples from the Lower Nubian A-Group (ca. 3100–2500 BC) and C-Group (ca. 2000–1500 BC) cultural periods. In order to examine possible biological differentiation between these two periods, their trait frequencies were analysed using the mean measure of divergence statistic. Results indicate biological continuity, consistent with in situ evolution, although the problem of small samples requires that these results be accepted with caution. Although the diffusion of ideas or material culture into the area through military and trade contacts is likely, any archaeologically observable cultural differences between these two phases are more consistent with local cultural evolution than with the importation of a new cultural system through the migration of a foreign population into the area. The timing of a population replacement in ancient Nubia that has been identified by other scholars should now be sought either before the A-Group period or after the C-Group.     

国共第三次“围剿”与反“围剿”探微

1931年国共在中央苏区展开的第三次“围剿”与反“围剿”,开场和结局都颇具戏剧性,整个“围剿”、反“围剿”进程,直接受制于国内外形势的变化。在国共两大主角的角力过程中,宁粤冲突和九一八事变,某种程度上成为国共武力斗争的搅局者。事实上,1930年代前后,国共之间的许多故事,都可以看到如是因素的介入,国共两大力量之外的“第三者”,为历史的走向增添了更多的变数。     

Cinema and the Rescue of Historicity

Book reviewed in this article:
Philip Rosen, Change Mummified: Cinema, Historicity, Theory     

Biological continuity between the A- and C-groups in lower Nubia: Evidence from cranial non-metric traits

Data are presented on 45 cranial non-metric traits in skeletal samples of the Lower Nubian A-Group (ca. 3100–2500 BC) and C-Group (ca. 2000–1500 BC) cultural periods. Results, based on the mean measure of divergence statistic, reveal biological continuity, consistent with interpretations of in situ evolution as opposed to models of discontinuity resulting from gene flow. Any differences between the A-and C-Group cultural phases that may be evident in the archaeological record are therefore more likely the result of local cultural evolution, rather than the introduction of new ideas, customs, and materials through the migration of a new population into this area. The problem of small samples necessitates that our results be accepted cautiously.     

The Archaeology of Occupation and the V-sign Campaign in the Occupied British Channel Islands

This paper charts the course of the V-for-victory campaign in the occupied British Channel Islands, set within its European context, from 1940–45, examining the manifestations of the V-sign in a material form, and how this changed with time. It highlights the use of the V as both an open and a hidden symbol of resistance, and the role it played both in “fighting” the German forces behind their backs and in boosting morale among the local population, even after the appropriation of the symbol by the occupiers.     

Campaign Finance Reform and the 1994 Congressional Elections

Based on partisan arguments regarding the likely effect of campaign finance reform on electoral competition, one might suspect that, had spending limits been in place prior to the 1994 midterm elections, Republicans would not have been able to gain control of the House of Representatives. To examine this proposition, we first create a regression model designed to explain the Democratic percentage of the vote as a function of candidate spending, incumbency, nonincumbent candidate quality, and the underlying partisan leanings of the congressional districts. We then use this regression model to simulate the likely effects of campaign finance reform on the outcome of the 1994 midterm elections. Our results indicate that while spending limits would have limited the number of seats gained by the Republican party, Republicans likely would have gained control of the House of Representatives even if spending limits had been in place prior to the 1994 elections. In addition, our results indicate that campaign finance reform that includes some form of public subsidy in addition to spending limits actually may have enhanced rather than diminished the Republican "earthquake" in 1994.