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1.
Archaeological fish bones reveal increases in marine fish utilisation in Northern and Western Europe beginning in the 10th and 11th centuries AD. We use stable isotope signatures from 300 archaeological cod (Gadus morhua) bones to determine whether this sea fishing revolution resulted from increased local fishing or the introduction of preserved fish transported from distant waters such as Arctic Norway, Iceland and/or the Northern Isles of Scotland (Orkney and Shetland). Results from 12 settlements in England and Flanders (Belgium) indicate that catches were initially local. Between the 9th and 12th centuries most bones represented fish from the southern North Sea. Conversely, by the 13th to 14th centuries demand was increasingly met through long distance transport – signalling the onset of the globalisation of commercial fisheries and suggesting that cities such as London quickly outgrew the capacity of local fish supplies.  相似文献   

2.
The fish remains are described that were found at the bottom of an Early Roman ceramic jar from Aila Aqaba, Jordan. The bones, representing the gill apparatuses of at least 33 medium-sized tunas (Auxis; Scombridae) and a single individual of a lizardfish (Trachinocephalus myops; Synodontidae), are believed to correspond to haimation. This highly prized fish sauce, documented previously only from ancient textual evidence, was typically made from the gills and the entrails of tunnids to which salt was added. The sauce was not imported from the Mediterranean or the Black Sea, but made from local Red Sea fish as shown by the zoogeographical distribution of the lizardfish that is considered as stomach content of the tunas. Because the fish bones were found in a locally produced jar and because the calculated volume of the haimation that the bones represent corresponds more or less to the volume of the jar, it is concluded that this high-quality garum was produced in this container at Aila itself.  相似文献   

3.
Vale and Gargett (J. Archaeol. Sci. 29 (2002) 57) discuss the finds from sieving experiments through 6 mm, 3 mm, and 1 mm mesh sizes from Arrawarra-I, a coastal midden site in Australia. They claimed that the relationship between sieve mesh size and both taxonomic richness and abundance is not straightforward. We reanalyzed Vale and Gargett's data to estimate species richness in larger sample sizes. By fitting logarithmic series to the data, we calculated the alpha diversity, and used that statistics to predict number of species expected at a given sample size. This statistical method is called “the equivalent alpha diversity method for abundifaction”. We demonstrate that taxonomic diversity would have been higher (14 species rather then 10) for an NISP of 2000 bones, sieved through a 1 mm mesh. We also demonstrate that Vale and Gargett's conclusion is flawed due to their small sample size (432 identified bones out of 60,000), inadequate sampling methods and poor analytical methodology. By using Vale and Gargett's data, we reach the opposite conclusion, and show that the use of 3 and 1 mm mesh sieves is indeed important in measuring diversity of archaeological assemblages in general, and of fish assemblages in particular.  相似文献   

4.
This study investigates bone stable isotopes from pigs from medieval York, to characterise the pigs' diet and to explore their contribution to isotopic values from contemporary human bones. Pig bones from the Swinegate (N?=?9) and Coppergate (N?=?14) sites were used for carbon and nitrogen stable isotope analysis to test the hypothesis that the majority of pigs in medieval York were yard-kept and fed on scraps and fish waste, elevating their nitrogen ratios. The results show that the Swinegate and Coppergate pigs gave nitrogen isotope values similar to contemporary sheep and therefore that animal protein made little or no dietary contribution. One sample showed C and N results consistent with more animal protein in the diet, and we propose that this could have been a yard-kept pig consuming human refuse. The majority of the data indicate that the pigs were eating a largely herbivorous diet and that pigs in medieval York may have been raised in rural or woodland locations rather than in the city.  相似文献   

5.
We evaluate the preservational attributes (element frequency, breakage, burning, cut-marks, rodent gnawing, and age) of ca. 500 bird bones from three prehistoric archaeological sites on the Polynesian islands of Foa and Lifuka in the Ha‘apai Group, Kingdom of Tonga. Two of the sites lie in calcareous beach sands whereas the third is the refuse infilling of a well. Although differing in age, all three sites are unequivocally cultural in origin, as evidenced by rich artifact assemblages and various sedimentological features (pits, hearths, etc.) that reflect human activities. The sites also contain bones from a diverse assemblage of marine fish, marine and terrestrial reptiles (sea turtles, iguanas), and terrestrial mammals (fruit bats, rats, pigs, dogs). We find no evidence for deposition of bones (bird or otherwise) in these Tongan sites by non-human agents. This is expected given that we are unaware of any non-human species or geological process that would concentrate the bones of fishes, reptiles, birds, and mammals on a beach ridge or in a well in Tonga. This is especially the case since the species range from very small to very large, and represent marine, fresh water, coastal, and forested habitats. Nevertheless, clear evidence of cultural involvement cannot be discerned on most individual bones, whether bird or non-bird. Furthermore, most taphonomic attributes (element frequency, breakage, burning, and cut-marks) of bones of a domesticated species (the chicken, Gallus gallus) resemble those found on bones of indigenous landbirds. We believe that all bones in any zooarchaeological assemblage should be evaluated carefully to determine who or what was responsible for their deposition. We see no reason, however, why bird bones should be held to some standard higher than those applied to the bones of other taxa, as some have suggested.  相似文献   

6.
7.
Three fish bone identification protocols used for determining taxa composition for Pacific island archaeofaunal assemblages are evaluated. The protocols include using the following: (1) the most commonly identified five paired cranial bones and ‘specials’ or unique elements; (2) an expanded number of cranial bones; and (3) the less common inclusion of all vertebrae. Explicit identification and quantification protocols are outlined for systematically incorporating all vertebrae which, predictably, increases the number of identified specimens for an assemblage, thus providing more bones useful for reconstructing live fish biomass (weight and length). Significantly, a range of unique archaeological vertebrae are useful for calculating minimum number of individuals. Using a well‐preserved assemblage from Henderson Island, Pitcairn Group, southeast Polynesia, numbering 6480 fish bones (concentration index = 21 580 m3), we demonstrate differences in rank‐order abundance from three taxon identification protocols. For example, when using all vertebrae grouper (Serranidae) and surgeonfishes (Acanthuridae) are more numerically equivalent than when relying mostly on cranial bones for identification for minimum number of individuals and number of identified specimens. This has important implications for making comparisons between sites or across regions where different identification protocols were used. This pilot study demonstrates that using all vertebrae for taxon identification and quantification, not just unique hypurals (terminal vertebrae) or those from sharks and rays (Elasmobranchii), should be standard practice for identifying a greater number of bones to taxon and thereby providing better reconstructions of prehistoric fishing and subsistence practices in the Pacific. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

8.
As organic materials, fish and its derivative products are perishable and break down rapidly and ultimately disappear. Unless they include bones or scales, the only means of identifying them in the archaeological record is through the identification of the chemical constituents that are left behind after decomposition. Fish flesh mainly consists of proteins and lipids. Since these molecules are unstable they degrade irreversibly after death or discard, losing a significant part of the original chemical elements, consequently hampering or complicating their identification. In this paper, two main types of fish products are considered: raw, salted or cooked fish, and fermented fish-based products. In the first case, the degradation of the native markers results from chemical post-depositional degradation, and eventually thermal degradation during cooking. In the second case, the biochemical processes involve bacteria that cause the rapid decomposition of fish as part of the process of forming fish sauces, such as Roman garum. To detect and identify fish products we combined experimental archaeology and organic analyses. The identification of the degradation products of cholesterol appeared to provide a strong indicator for detecting the presence of fish sauces. Analysis of samples taken from fish-salting vats located along the Atlantic coast (Marsa, Baelo Claudia, Troia, Kerlaz, and Etel) with samples taken from actual experimental garum sauces made from mackerel (Scomber scombrus), sardines (Sardina pilchardus), and/or oysters (Ostreidae), revealed the presence of common markers of fermented fish-based products. The application of the analytical methodology described here to structures involved in ancient fish sauce manufacture and storage has enabled investigation of the production of the sauces by searching directly for the fish markers on the inner sides of the containers. For the first time the addition of molluscs and fruits in the fish product has been identified as part of the process of manufacturing garum.  相似文献   

9.
Twenty-four measurements were taken on five of the paired cranial bones and the otoliths of a modern sample of 177 blue cod. Parapercis colias. Regression analysis was performed on these measurements to estimate live fork length and ungutted weight. A number of regression models were examined (linear, logarithmic, exponential and power curve) to work out the optimum estimator for each bone measurement. It was found that live fork length of this species can be estimated with a standard error of less than ±28 mm, and the weight to less than ±140 g. Coefficients are provided for 48 equations linking bone size to live characteristics. This is followed by a study of blue cod from an archaeological site at Waihora in the Chatham Islands. Measurements were made on 8036 archaeological bones with a minimum number of individuals of 2547. It was found that the blue cod catch had near normal characteristics, with a mean fork length of 327 mm and SD of 57 mm. The mean body weight was estimated at 569 g. The usable meat weight represented by these fish is estimated to be 1.0 t. © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

10.
During archaeological excavations in central Tallinn, Estonia, many fish bones were collected among other archaeological finds. As these were salvage excavations conducted under limited time and cost restraints, only a very small part of the removed soil could be examined for fish bones. In such hasty conditions, the only option was to take soil samples from selected areas and carry out water sieving in the laboratory. This procedure resulted in the recovery of a variety of fish remains. Also, a previous conclusion that only large fish were captured is re-evaluated. This paper focuses on two recently excavated medieval sites in Tallinn: Tartu Road 1 and Vabaduse Square. In Vabaduse Square, a Late Neolithic settlement was also discovered under the medieval layers. The analysis of the three different assemblages of fish bones from the two sites, which were collected by somewhat different methods, contributes to our knowledge on fishing and fish consumption in Tallinn's past.  相似文献   

11.
To determine whether ancient DNA (aDNA) can be used to study the palaeopathology of venereal syphilis, we carried out a comprehensive analysis of the preservation of human and pathogen DNA in a set of 46 bones of various ages, most of which displayed osteological indications of the disease. Bones came from seven English cemetery sites that were in use during the 9th–19th centuries. Twelve of the 46 bones consistently yielded mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) sequences after replicate polymerase chain reactions (PCRs), and a further 13 bones yielded mtDNA sequences with less reproducibility. The sequence data enabled tentative mitochondrial haplogroups to be assigned to nine of the bones, and the identities and frequencies of these haplogroups were compatible with the geographical origins of the bones. Twenty-one bones consistently gave negative results with all mtDNA PCRs, indicating that at least these bones were not contaminated with modern human DNA, and those bones that gave positive results only yielded one sequence each, again suggesting that widespread modern contamination had not occurred. Mycobacterium tuberculosis sequences were obtained from seven bones, including three of five bones with tuberculous lesions. The cloned and direct sequences obtained from both the mtDNA and M. tuberculosis PCR products showed features typical of degraded aDNA. All of these results suggest that at least some of the 46 bones that we studied were suitable for aDNA analysis. All 46 bones were tested with nine different treponemal PCRs, each optimised to give a detection limit of ≤5 genomes. Although various bones gave PCR products of the expected size with one or more of these PCRs, sequencing showed that none of these products were authentic treponemal amplicons. Our failure to detect treponemal DNA in bones that were suitable for aDNA analysis, using highly sensitive PCRs, suggests that treponemal DNA is not preserved in human bone and that it is therefore not possible to use aDNA analysis to study venereal syphilis. Any past or future paper claiming detection of treponemal aDNA should therefore be accompanied by a detailed justification of the results.  相似文献   

12.
The present study presents a method for predicting triggerfish body size (standard length and body mass) from bones recovered from archaeological sites. Regression equations were calculated from 42 fresh triggerfish. The following seven measurements were used as best predictors for body size based on the regression coefficients, reliability of the measurements and survivorship of the bones in archaeological material: width of ethmoid, width of vomer, width of first dorsal spine, width of dorsal postcleithrum, width of atlas, width of sixth vertebra, and greatest height of basal pterygiophore. These equations enabled us to assess the contribution of fish to the economy and aided us in identifying various fishing methods. © 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Osteoarchaeol., 7 : 150–156 (1997) No. of Figures: 8. No. of Tables: 4. No. of References: 48.  相似文献   

13.
This paper explores the potential of stable isotope analysis to identify the approximate region of catch of cod by analysing bones from medieval settlements in northern and western Europe. It measures the δ13C and δ15N values of cod bone collagen from medieval control samples collected from sites around Arctic Norway, the North Sea, the Kattegat and the Baltic Sea. These data were considered likely to differ by region due to, for example, variation in the length of the food chain, water temperature and salinity. We find that geographical structuring is indeed evident, making it possible to identify bones from cod caught in distant waters. These results provide a new methodology for studying the growth of long-range trade in dried cod and the related expansion of fishing effort—important aspects of the development of commercialisation in medieval Europe. As a first test of the method, we analyse three collections of cod bones tentatively interpreted as imported dried fish based on a priori zooarchaeological criteria. The results tentatively suggest that cod were being transported or traded over very long distances since the end of the first millennium AD.  相似文献   

14.
The results of investigations performed on more than 23,500 mammoth bones and teeth in Northern Eurasia from 2003 to 2013 with the aim of revealing traces of enzootic diseases are presented here. The study focused on the Late Pleistocene “beast solonetz” sites (i.e. mineral licks/oases) of Western Siberia: Shestakovo-Kochegur (25.9–17.8 ka BP) in the Kemerovo region, Volchia Griva (17.8–11 ka BP) in the Novosibirsk region and Lugovskoye (16.5–10 ka BP) nearby Khanty-Mansiysk. Additional sites studies included sites (30–10 ka BP) from other regions of Northern Eurasia also with mass mammoth remains (Gari, Berelyokh, Krasnoyarskaya Kurya, Kraków Spadzista Street, P?edmostí, Dolní Věstonice, Milovice and others). The results suggest that just at the end of the Pleistocene, large herbivorous mammals experienced a powerful geochemical stress which would manifest as mass destructive changes of bones due to enzootic diseases caused by mineral deficiency. Remains characterized by destructive changes are common and prevalent in all collections. Maximum damage was discovered in the bones and teeth of Mammuthus primigenius Blum. The most typical signs of osteodystrophy were osteoporosis, osteofibrosis, osteomalacia, osteolysis, cartilage atrophy, exostoses and fractures, resulting in the formation of false joints, ulcers and friction grooves on articular surfaces. The results of the paleoecological analysis suggest that the larger part of Northern Eurasia at the end of Pleistocene was extremely unfavourable for the existence of megafauna. The disruption of the abiotic relationships caused by the cardinal transformation of geochemical landscapes could have become the main reason for the wide-spread enzootia and, finally, the extinction of the mammoth.  相似文献   

15.
The bountiful marine resources of the northern Chilean coast offset the extreme aridity of the Atacama Desert in pre-Columbian times, underwriting permanent human occupation, and providing the basis for a long tradition of marine subsistence. We analyzed fish otoliths (n = 549) recovered from the sites of Camarones Punta Norte (occupied ca. 7,000–5,000 years ago) and Caleta Vitor (occupied ca. 9,500–300 years ago) to investigate species distribution and changes over time. We also estimated the size of the fish based on relationships between otolith weight and fish total length (TL) obtained from modern samples of the predominant species, Sciaena deliciosa. The estimated size range of S. deliciosa from Caleta Vitor included fish that were significantly larger than those from Camarones Punta Norte, with the maximum TL (970 mm) almost double the modern maximum length documented. The fluctuating abundance of fish species and other marine taxa from Camarones Punta Norte indicates intense but sporadic use of the site over the span of occupation. In contrast, human occupation of the Caleta Vitor estuary is more continuous. Comparisons of the fish assemblages with a nearby contemporaneous site, Quebrada de los Burros in southern Peru, suggest that fishing technologies were similar along this section of the Pacific coast.  相似文献   

16.
Recent excavations at two rockshelters (Olsteinhelleren and Sævarhelleren) on the Hardanger fjord in Western Norway have provided an unparalleled opportunity to examine the Mesolithic subsistence economy of this region. Thousands of fish remains (as well as numerous mammal and bird bones) have been analysed from these assemblages. Results show that the fishery was dominated by gadids, but labrids and salmonids were also important. Many other fish were present in small quantities, including the first specimen of sturgeon from the Stone Age of Norway. The transition to a more specialised fishery at the younger site, Olsteinhelleren, may be a reflection of a switch to the use of this locality as a logistic camp for the targeting of gadid fish.  相似文献   

17.
A review of zooarchaeological research is presented for one of the best-studied areas of the Russian Far East, Primorye (Maritime) Province. The faunal remains, including mammals, birds and fish, were derived from archaeological contexts ranging from the Upper Palaeolithic, ca. 33 000 years ago, to the Middle Ages, twelfth to thirteenth centuries AD . Among the wild species, hoofed animals, wild boar, and bears are the most common. Domesticated animals are represented mostly by pig and dog. At the Pleistocene–Holocene boundary, ca. 10 000–12 000 years ago, some species, such as mammoth, woolly rhinoceros and bison, became extinct. Since the Middle Holocene, ca. 7000 years ago, the faunal complexes became of modern composition. The finding of bones of domesticated animals in the Bronze Age, dated ca. 2800–3200 years ago, allows the correlation of the emergence of livestock in Primorye with cultural influences from northern China. © 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Osteoarchaeol., 7 : 172–180 (1997) No. of Figures: 2. No. of Tables: 3. No. of References: 37.  相似文献   

18.
This paper provides regression formulae for size estimation of kingsoldier bream (Argyrops spinifer) from measurements taken on bones enabling the reconstruction of the size of fish present in archaeological samples. Bones of Sparidae are commonly recovered from archaeological sites bordering the Arabian Gulf, and, of the species within this family, kingsoldier bream are relatively abundant with the bones also easily identifiable. The marine environment where this fish occurs varies throughout its life cycle, and therefore the reconstructed size of the fish can be used to infer the types of location where past fishing activities took place. Comparison of the estimated size of fish caught from two Late Islamic sites on the northwest coast of Qatar, in combination with other evidence, has been used to indicate differing frequencies of fishing methods at the two sites. This variation in fishing is caused by the topography of the coast in the immediate vicinity of the sites with shallow waters providing a wide tidal zone at the northern of the two with an environment suitable for fishing with stone‐built intertidal fish traps (known in Arabic as al maskar). The topography of the coast at the southern of the two sites is steeper, and the settlement was an important trading port so the coast was utilised primarily as a harbour rather than a fishing ground. The supply of fish at this settlement was provided by fishermen more commonly using basket traps (gargoor) and handlines with fishing taking place from boats. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

During the Late Stone Age, the sites of Ajvide and Jettböle were located on the seashore but in quite different marine environments. Ajvide on Gotland had direct access to the open sea of the central Baltic, while Jettböle in the Åland archipelago was surrounded by islands and skerries in the northern part of the Baltic Sea. Continuous excavations at Ajvide revealed large amounts of Cod (Gadus morhua) while herring (Clupea harengus) was found in small numbers. At Jettböle, as well, cod bones have been observed in large numbers while the skeletal remains of herring were few. In this study, soil samples of fishbone materials from Ajvide and Jettböle were sieved through screens of different mesh-sizes and then osteologically analysed. The finer screens aided the recovery of small herring bones that usually are lost when sieving through a common standard mesh-size of 4 mm. The results of the study confirmed the importance of fine-mesh sieving for the retrieval of the fishbone materials. Additionally, the achieved osteometric data indicated a difference in cod and herring size between the sites. Other factors that form our base for the understanding of Neolithic fishing strategies are: a general knowledge of the behaviour of the retrieved fish species, a reconstruction of the ancient marine environment and the abundance of fish species at each site.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract

Excavations at the Quadrant site in Sydney uncovered remains of 19th-century working-class houses and industrial areas including a collection of fish remains. The spatial distribution of bones of northern hemisphere ling and salmonids across house lots suggests these fish were commonly eaten. Little previous research on fish remains from post-1788 Australian sites has been reported and the study has wider research significance to Australasian archaeozoology. Documents indicate that some 19th-century British settlers preferred fish imported from Europe to local species. This study provides new insights into diet, economy and class in early colonial Sydney.  相似文献   

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