林德霍夫堡 僻静山谷中的童话王国

<正>林德霍夫堡,一座建造于1869年至1879年的王宫,是巴伐利亚国王路德维希二世所建造的最具盛名的三座"神话城堡"之一。路德维希二世结合了意大利文艺复兴鼎盛期与巴洛克时期的建筑及园林艺术形式,使林德霍夫堡充分体现出侣世纪欧洲的建筑风格。在阿尔卑斯山脉的群山掩映下,林德霍夫堡(Linderhof Castle)静静地坐落在格拉斯望河谷。这座建造于1869年至1879年的王宫,是路德维希二世(LudwigⅡ)在世时完工的唯一一座宫殿,也是国王居住最久的一座。作为巴伐利亚国王路德维希二世所建造的最具盛名的三座"神话城堡"之一,林德霍夫堡结合了意大利     

穿越秦巴山地的几条主要谷道的过去与现在

作为我国地理上北方与南方界线的秦岭及其以南的大巴山,横亘于我国中部,阻绝了川陕之间的联系,李白称"蜀道难于上青天"。     

The Invisible Dance: The Supreme Court and the Press

Abstract

In America, Tocqueville writes, men were born equal; they did not have to become so.¹ But he is not unaware of the radical democratic character of the American revolution of which Gordon Wood has reminded us.² Prior to 1776, Tocqueville observes, the democratic principle was “far from dominating the government of society.” It was the Revolution that made it “the law of laws.” “The war was fought and victory obtained in its name” (1:1, ch. 4. 59).     

The Invisible Hand that Rocks the Cradle: On the Limits of Time Use Surveys

Almost every intervention in the field of international agricultural development — from microcredit finance to fertilizer subsidies to trade policy — has come to recognize gender, and relationships within households, as important. Yet most interventions continue to treat the household as a ‘black box’, with changes within the household measured by the effects on income, anthropometry, health, or other secondary metrics within bargaining models. In this context, there has been increasing interest in time use studies as a way to peer inside this black box. This article offers a review of methods and identifies some of the difficulties facing time use studies in capturing intrahousehold dynamics, and presents the results of a two‐season simultaneous activity time use study in Malawi which aimed to address these difficulties. The results suggest significant limitations to time use surveys. The kinds of reproductive labour that often interest researchers may be invisible to the women responding to time use surveys, with the result that care work is dramatically under‐reported. The authors discuss the implications of the divergence between researchers’ concerns and the women's reports of their lives for time use surveys, and for feminist development research methods more broadly.     

Postcolonial Archaeologies in Africa: Breaking the Silence

Postcolonial archaeologies in Africa are engaged in a variety of agendas including the decolonization of everyday practices in the field and in the classroom. Postcolonial theory, concerned with issues of power and the Other, is increasingly being invoked to examine how archaeologists conduct their field research and how archaeology is used to dismantle essentialized histories—the metanarratives that arose in the colonial as well as the postcolonial era. Easily misunderstood, however, is the passion expressed by some African archaeologists who are voicing their own views while simultaneously trying to free themselves from dominating “expert” voices. These occurrences create tensions in archaeological discourse that are a natural part of decolonizing archaeology, joining other forms of disenchantment, particularly the disenchantments arising in contemporary African communities about social services, civil society, and human rights. Archaeologists are also implicated in disenchantments as they conduct investigations in the midst of people who may be without water or are suffering from HIV/AIDS—conditions that starkly contrast with their own comfortable lives. We may also need to reconsider how to deal with states that see archaeological research as contrary to nation building. This essay responds to some current misunderstandings that have arisen over these and related issues.     

Sheepology: The Postcolonial Politics of Raceless Racism in Switzerland

Discussing racism and its colonial genealogy remains difficult in contemporary Switzerland. This article addresses the politics of racism's name-ability at the crossroads of studies of ‘postcolonial Switzerland’ and ‘raceless racism’ in continental Europe. The former highlight Switzerland's self-conception as outside colonialism. The latter emphasize the complexities of Euro-racism, in particular its production through the absence of explicit racial references. Drawing on postcolonial discourse-analytic methodology, I explore the famous case of the ‘sheep poster’ that supported the far right-wing Swiss People's Party campaign in 2007 and triggered an important controversy around legitimate public images of ‘Swissness’ and ‘difference’. The first section analyses the (untold) history of colonial racialised discourses that are conveyed by the poster. The second and third sections comprise a discourse analysis of the public claims that were expressed by various actors against or in defence of the poster. I show that the controversy consisted of a struggle between three antagonistic articulations of ‘Swissness’ and ‘difference’, namely between an antiracist discourse, and anti-exclusionary discourse, and defensive interventions. As the two latter discourses became hegemonic at the expense of the anti-racist critique, this struggle reasserted and renewed a regime of raceless racism, revealing both specificities and commonalities between the Swiss case and the broader context of postcolonial Europe.     

The Rise of the Francophone Postcolonial Intellectual: The Emergence of a Tradition

Although discussions of the French intellectual often address engagement with anti-colonialism and the decolonisation process more generally, most notably in relation to the Algerian War of Independence, critical attention is rarely directed at the existence of a wider yet related intellectual culture that may connect the disparate parts of the French-speaking world. This article explores the rise of the postcolonial intellectual in this politico-cultural and linguistic space, and asks whether such a figure may be seen as part of a coherent tradition. Foregrounding the interdependency and regular overlap of ‘French’ and ‘Francophone’ intellectual cultures, the study creates connections between thinkers in metropolitan France and its former colonies, placed here in a dialectical, conjunctive rather than in a binary, disjunctive relationship. The article explores three case studies – those of Victor Segalen (central to the work of such key postcolonial thinkers as Edouard Glissant and Abdelkebir Khatibi), Léopold Sédar Senghor and Frantz Fanon – in order to underline the complex genealogies of the emergent tradition it identifies. It concludes with a consideration of the definitive role of the postcolonial intellectual in debates regarding the legacy of colonialism in contemporary France.     

吉林省通化市自安山城调查报告

2004年,吉林省文物考古研究所、通化市文管会办公室联合对通化市自安山城进行了考古调查与测绘工作,发现了城墙、门址、供水及排水设施、房址等遗迹,对这些遗迹进行清理又发现了一些陶器、铜器、铁器等遗物。自安山城是汉高句丽时期一座重要的城堡,应该是西汉时期的玄菟郡。     

Colonial Streets and Statues: Postcolonial Belgium in the Public Space

Belgium has a very one-sided way of dealing with its colonial past in its public space. The country has hundreds of street names and memorials for white colonials, but not a single tribute to a Congolese. There are at least fifteen monuments for King Leopold II, some of which are occasionally vandalized, but only one presents a plaque with background information. Only one other monument, for a missionary in Antwerp, has been contextualized with an interpretive panel. The demand of Congolese migrants to name a square in the Brussels borough Ixelles/Elsene after Lumumba, has yet to be satisfied after more than ten years.

This situation contrasts that of other former colonial metropoles and can be explained by several factors. Belgium has far fewer postcolonial migrants, who in other countries often have the loudest and most critical voice in the postcolonial debate. Moreover, the postcolonial fight in Belgium is waged with sensitive symbols: a king (Leopold II) and an assassinated prime minister (Lumumba). This makes the debate much more emotionally charged. Last but not least, Belgium has gone through a great identity crisis over the past ten years. Left-wing pundits, who are traditionally more critical of the colonial past, and mainstream opinion-makers have avoided sparking the postcolonial debate so as to not fuel Flemish nationalism.