Canadian Foreign Policy in an Era of New Constitutionalism

This article historically assesses Canada’s role in developing new constitutional mechanisms in the global economy. Drawing on the literatures of International Political Economy and analyses of Canadian foreign policy, a reassessment of Canada’s position in the international economic order is proposed. As a consequence of the geostrategic advantages afforded Canada between successive global hegemons, Canada’s path-dependent development has situated the country to benefit and insist on disciplinary mechanisms for all states. Canada’s defense of a rules-based order demands the country adopt an increasingly unfamiliar role as crisis threatens the stability of the global economy. Consequently, Canada has become a primary defender of the new constitutional order of global capitalism, a position that seems opposed to traditional cooperative visions of Canadian foreign policy. Moreover, as the Canadian state becomes an active global proponent of neoliberal economic reforms it undermines the intermediary role of the Canadian state in its own markets, potentially undermining one of the historical purposes of Canadian federalism.     

Valuing Reputation and Prestige: Canadian Foreign Policy and the International Criminal Court

How do we explain the behavior of states when they appear to be engaged in normative international actions that carry some cost in terms of their material interests? This essay examines the relevance of reputation and prestige for Canadian foreign policy and, in particular, the role of these concepts in relation to Canada's leadership over the creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC). It argues that Canadians and Canadian policymakers care about their country's international reputation and are motivated by the desire to gain prestige. Ottawa's decision to support enthusiastically the creation of an international criminal court demonstrates how the interaction of the Canadian self-identity as a good international citizen and the desire to be recognized as such translates into foreign policy.     

Canadian Foreign Policy and Straddling Stocks; Sustainability in an Interdependent World

Canada cannot manage Straddling fish Stocks, which extend beyond Canadian waters into the high seas, without an effective foreign fisheriespolicy. This article examines the politics andfate of two such Stocks in the Northwest Atlantic; cod and Greenland halibut. More successful management of Straddling Stocks, I argue, can be achieved if enforcement policies eure conducted within theframework of multilateral ftsheries organizations. By appealing to the rules and Information provided by these Institutions, Canadian governments canpursue more aggressive and proactive fisheries policies while maintaining a high level ofpolitical support at hörne and abroad.     

From Private Consultation to Public Crusade: Assessing Eisenhower's Legislative Strategies on Foreign Policy

Even though nationally televised addresses provide the president the opportunity to speak directly to the American people and are a potentially powerful tool for influencing public opinion, scholars have little understanding of the people the president speaks to when he delivers televised addresses. This study examines the audience for televised presidential addresses. Specifically, it looks at the size of the audience for televised addresses, the differences between people who watch televised addresses and those who do not watch, and explains why some people watch the addresses while others do not. To answer these questions I use a unique set of national opinion surveys conducted by Richard Wirthlin, who served as Ronald Reagan's pollster throughout Reagan's years as president. I find that even though televised addresses are given on network television, the president is not assured a large television audience. Moreover, I find that there is a difference between people who watch televised addresses and those who do not, and that the demographic characteristics, personal concerns, and especially the political participation of a person explain why people watch or do not watch televised addresses.     

马来亚的独立与英国殖民撤退的策略

英国从其广大的殖民地撤退是一个漫长的历史进程。这一进程既是殖民地民族民主运动的本质性结果,也带有宗主国适时“非殖民化”的色彩,但二者所处地位不同。前者作为主导因素,决定了事件的性质,其强烈程度决定了后者的进程;而后者只是一种策略,是不得已而为之的隐蔽的殖民统治手腕。这一点在一些殖民地都有所表现,而在马来亚则表现得较为典型。在马来亚民族解放运动日益高涨之时,伦敦方面先是拖延、推迟马来亚的独立,后是培育倾向于英国的当地政府和领导人,以便有效地储蓄其自身的巨大利益。     

Britain and Europe: Devolution and Foreign Policy

After the results of the September 1997 referendums in Scotland and Wales, devolution within the United Kingdom has become a certainty. This article considers the implications of the establishment of a Scottish parliament and a Welsh assembly for 'British' foreign policy. The author traces views of 'Britishness' from the beginning of the century, when 'home for all' had a brief vogue during the imperial heyday, through the mid-century period when an essentially anglocentric 'Britishness' seemed relatively uncontroversial, to the more contentious scene opened up by the end of empire, the retreat of the Commonwealth and the increasing prominence of the European Community/Union. He examines the new Labour government's official statements on the remit of the devolved institutions and considers the prospects after devolution for a UK foreign policy that is more genuinely 'British' than before, and for the emergence of, in particular, a distinctively 'Scottish' foreign policy.     

Australian Foreign Policy

G. Clark: In Fear of China, Lansdowne Press, Melbourne, 1967, pp. 219 + ix, $3.00.

W. J. Hudson, ed.: Towards a Foreign Policy: 1914–1941, Cassell, Melbourne, 1967.

T. B. Millar, ed.: Britain's Withdrawal from Asia: Its Implications for Australia, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University, 1967, pp. 114.

T. B. Millar, ed.: Australia's Defence Policies 1945–1965, Department of International Relations, A.N.U., 1967, pp. 86.

A. and M. Vandenbosch: Australia Faces Southeast Asia: The Emergence of a Foreign Policy, University of Kentucky Press, Lexington, 1967, pp. 175 + vi, $5.75 (U.S.).

A. Watt: The Evolution of Australian Foreign Policy 1938–65, Cambridge University Press, 1967, pp. 387 + ix, $9.25.     

Jimmy Carter and the Foreign Policy of Human Rights:

I would hope that the nations of the world might say that we had built a lasting peace, based not on weapons of war but on international policies which reflect our own most precious values. These are not just my goals, and they will not be my accomplishments, but the affirmation of our nation's continuing moral strength and our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream. ¹
President Jimmy Carter, Inaugural Address, 20 January 20, 1977     

Pivoting toward Asia: Comparing the Canadian and American Policy Shifts

Both Canada and the United States have “pivoted” toward Asia in their foreign policy over the past decade, although emphases in those pivots differed between the two countries. The former focuses on an economic pivot initially, the latter on a security one. What factors explain these shifts? What was the magnitude of policy change by both? Utilizing some important theoretical works by Charles Hermann, we discuss the factors that appear to have brought about this policy change toward Asia, outline the actions and activities that both countries have initiated toward Asia in the past decade to illustrate the type and magnitude of policy change that has occurred, and compare some areas of political, economic, and military similarities between Canada and the United States toward this region. Finally, we assess the likely future of these pivots to Asia in light of the change in political leadership within both nations.