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民国时期,历史上长期积累的政区边界矛盾全面激化。为彻底解决政区边界纠纷和规范管理,南京国民政府颁行《省市县勘界条例》,推行依法勘界,但效果并不理想,省界勘划尤为艰难。甘青省界临循段勘划因青宁"二马"之争而坠入死局,祁连山段因甘青两省对立而长陷僵局,夏同段因黄马相争而频生战局,呈全线停滞之势。甘青勘界之难突出反映了民国时期省际勘界所遭遇的政治困境及西北民族地区政治格局的复杂性。 相似文献
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International Journal of Historical Archaeology - European empires heavily relied on maritime connections for their expansion and operations. In the Andean region, where Spanish colonialism had a... 相似文献
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本文①认为,以色列虽实行西方式的议会民主制,但其选举制度与英、美等西方国家相去甚远,特点鲜明。以色列议会选举采用单一选区比例代表制度,即全国为一个选区,以政党或集团为单位参加竞选,然后根据各党派在全国范围所得总票数,按比例分配议席。其结果是,各政党或联盟从未获得单独组阁所需半数以上的议席(61席),均不能单独组阁,必须组成联合政府。以色列议会选举制是造成国内党派滋生和政坛混乱的主要根源,它为代表少数人利益的小党充斥以色列政坛提供契机,中小党派的"剩余能量"和"超常影响力"又激励了中小党派的产生,导致恶性循环。 相似文献
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《Political Geography》2002,21(1):79-83
The United States is one of few contemporary democracies that does not choose its chief executive officer through direct popular vote. Rather, the President of the United States is formally chosen by the Electoral College, and a majority of votes in the Electoral College is required to secure election to the Presidency. In 2000, Republican George W. Bush won a 271–266 majority in the Electoral College despite the fact that his opponent, Al Gore, won about half a million more popular votes.The Electoral College system can be conceptualized as a mechanism by which the results of separate elections in each state and, since 1964, the District of Columbia, can be aggregated to produce a nationwide outcome. It has not experienced major reform since 1804, despite the fact that many critics have regarded the system as archaic, outmoded, and essentially undemocratic. Since the early nineteenth century, more than 600 proposed constitutional amendments concerning the Electoral College system have been proposed and debated in Congress. Some would eliminate the Electoral College system altogether and replace it with direct popular vote. Others would retain the Electoral College system but change the way electors are selected or affect the relationships between popular and electoral votes in each state.Because the popular vote in Florida was very close, and because the remaining states were so closely divided, Florida proved to be the pivotal state in the 2000 presidential election. The closeness and controversy surrounding the Florida outcome has renewed efforts on the part of critics to eliminate or reform the system. However, analysis of the 2000 campaign underscores the fact that both sides based decisions concerning their campaign strategies and allocations of human financial resources in an effort to win an electoral college majority, within the constraints of the present system. It is unlikely that there will be sufficient support to overturn or reform the system through constitutional agreement in the foreseeable future. 相似文献
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效忠派(即托利党人)是美国革命时期一个人数众多、复杂的群体,他们的基本立场是对殖民地的热爱和对殖民地权利的维护.他们既反对1763年后英国的新殖民政策,又反对殖民地从帝国中分裂出去.效忠派的构成复杂多样,几乎分布于每一个殖民地、每一种行业和每一个阶层.许多效忠派采取了积极的行动:参加英军或民兵组织,出版、传播亲英的小册子等.但从整体而言,大多数效忠派在革命期间保持了沉默.许多效忠派自愿或被迫流亡,但绝大多数人得以留下,得到了新国家的宽容与接纳.若以成败论英雄的话,效忠派是失败者,但他们在历史上的角色是不应该被漠视的. 相似文献
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The Electoral Foundations of Japan's Banking Regulation 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This article locates Japan's financial policies in the context of electoral incentives. The collapse of Japan's economic bubble in 1990 exposed the rot in the banking system, hidden for decades by a Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) government intent on maintaining favor with local support groups and protecting inefficient small banks. In a move wholly uncharacteristic of Japan's postwar politics, the LDP ultimately forced the banks to absorb huge losses rather than require taxpayers to bail out their mortgage-lending subsidiaries (jusen). We compare the government's subsequent bank bailout scheme with past government action and find that the government's objectives have shifted from boosting bank profits to ensuring their prudential regulation. We conclude on an optimistic note about the prospects for more public goods-oriented politics in Japan. 相似文献
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Joan Rydon 《Australian journal of political science》1993,28(1):142-145
Due to the concentration of Australian Labor Party voters, that party has to poll more votes than the Liberal and National Parties to win an election. That is not a gerrymander, for no matter how fairly the boundaries were drawn, Labor would still need to poll more votes than its opponents under the preferential, single‐member constituency voting system. Nevertheless, even under perfectly fair electoral redistributions, Labor is bound to come off worst because Labor voters are more highly concentrated than non‐Labor voters. 相似文献
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Alvin H. Bernstein 《The Historian; a journal of history》1979,41(3):513-520
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《Textile history》2013,44(1):80-89
AbstractNewspaper runaway advertisements are one of the best sources of information on American women's working-class dress, but have only been minimally analysed in quantity. This article presents a project in which the notices of 900 women's elopements and their 5,600 garments have been catalogued in a relational database to provide greater access to garment data in runaway advertisements, including textile use, colour and patterning information. Data about the women, including physical characteristics, geographical location and ethnicity are linked to the garment data to allow contextual searches. Select initial investigations into preconceived notions of women's working-class clothing during this period are included to demonstrate future research directions based on this approach. 相似文献