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1.
Fossil bones (N = 350) spanning more than 350 million years, and covering a wide range of depositional environments, were studied to compare the distribution of microbial destruction features in fossil bones with previously published data sets of bones of archaeological age. The distribution of bioerosion in fossil bones is very different from that found in bone from archaeological sites. Fossil bones typically show little or no bioerosion. Under normal conditions, if a bone is to survive into the fossil record, then rapid bioerosion must be prevented (or halted). This conclusion suggests that early post mortem processes,such as the mode of death, influence the potential of any bone to survive into deep time.  相似文献   

2.
The aim of this study is to reconstruct the dietary patterns and economic behaviours of Neolithic populations in the Northwestern Mediterranean using isotopic and archaeological data. Burials come from four sites located in Languedoc–Roussillon region in French Mediterranean area. These sites are dated from the Middle Neolithic period (ca. 4500–3500 BC). They represent the Chasséen culture, characterized by regional features, such as economy management, resulting from territorial control. For this investigation, a stable isotopes (δ13C and δ15N) method has been used on 50 human bone collagens and 28 associated animal bones. This method provides direct dietary information on the protein consumed including the relative amounts of marine vs. terrestrial and animal vs. plant proteins in diets. Isotopic results are mainly compared to archaeological data to understand economic distinctions and potential social status variations between different groups using specific funeral practices, i.e. lithic chamber graves vs. domestic/funeral pits. Results show that individuals buried in lithic chamber graves and those buried in pits did not have the same dietary pattern. This result suggests a possible differentiation between two socio-economic groups, i.e. consumers of resources from herding and from farming. No aquatic food appeared to be routinely consumed by these individuals despite a relative close proximity to sea and freshwater sources. Moreover, these outcomes lead us to hypothesize that: (1) funeral practices could be linked to specific economies and/or (2) to different social status and that (3) burial type and foodstuff could be an expression of religious worship. Further research could include data from other areas, such as Spanish Catalonia where there are funeral structures similar to Languedoc lithic chamber graves.  相似文献   

3.
Human bone collagen from a series of Icelandic human pagan graves was radiocarbon (14C) dated to aid understanding of early settlement (landnám) chronologies in northern Iceland. These individuals potentially consumed marine protein. The 14C age of samples containing marine carbon requires a correction for the marine 14C reservoir effect. The proportion of non-terrestrial sample carbon was quantified via measurement of carbon stable isotopes (δ13C) using a simple mixing model, based on δ13C measurements of archaeofaunal samples. Non-terrestrial carbon was also quantified in six pig bones from the archaeofaunal dataset. Assuming all non-terrestrial carbon in human and pig bone collagen was marine-derived, calibrated age ranges calculated using a mixed IntCal09/Marine09 calibration curve were consistent with an early settlement date close to landnám, but several samples returned pre-landnám age ranges. Measurements of nitrogen stable isotopes (δ15N) strongly suggest that many of the human bone collagen samples contain freshwater diet-derived carbon. Icelandic freshwater systems frequently display large freshwater 14C reservoir effects, of the order of 10,000 14C years, and we suggest that the presence of freshwater carbon is responsible for the anomalously early ages within our dataset. In pig samples, the majority of non-terrestrial carbon is freshwater in origin, but in human samples the proportion of freshwater carbon is within the error of the marine component (±10%). This presents a major obstacle to assessing temporal patterns in the ages of human remains from sampled graves, although the majority of grave ages are within the same, broad, calibrated range.  相似文献   

4.
This study presents a synthesis of the evidence for modern archaeological, and palaeontological bioerosion of vertebrate tissue. It describes the first evidence for the bioerosion of modern, archaeological and fossil bird bones. A new form of bone bioerosion, known as Hackett tunnels, is defined. The bioerosion of vertebrate tissue by cyanobacteria and algae in modern marine and lacustrine environments is also described. Archaeological evidence indicates that the destruction of bone by bioerosion occurs in other terrestrial environments, such as cave deposits and middens. Bone from marine and lacustrine environments that appears to be macroscopically well preserved can have large amounts of microscopic fabric destruction. © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

5.
T. J. Booth 《Archaeometry》2016,58(3):484-499
A central problem in funerary archaeology is interpreting how the corpse was manipulated in the immediate post mortem period. The extent of bacterial bioerosion to the internal bone microstructure has been proposed as a means to infer the early post mortem history of a corpse, as it has been suggested that this form of bone diagenesis is produced by an organism's putrefactive gut bacteria. Under this model, different forms of funerary treatment would be expected to leave characteristic signatures of bioerosion in archaeological bone. Here, we tested the extent to which bacterial bioerosion of ancient human bones reflected funerary treatment, through histological analysis of 301 archaeological human bone thin sections from 25 European archaeological sites. We found that bioerosion was significantly influenced by whether a bone originated from a neonatal individual or an anoxic context. When these remains were excluded, bioerosion was controlled by archaeological phase in a manner consistent with known early post mortem treatment and forensic models of bodily decomposition. These findings suggest that microscopic analyses of bone have useful applications in reconstructions of funerary processes and provide some insight into factors that may control the persistence of organic biomolecules and fossilization.  相似文献   

6.
Scattered human bones from disturbed graves in medieval and post‐medieval churchyards have generally been considered to be of minor interest in archaeological analyses. However, the material has a large information potential provided that it is carefully documented and analysed. By treating scattered bones in the same way as other archaeological finds the material is found to have great value as source material in the interpretation of cemeteries and churchyards as well as in paleodemographic analyses. This is demonstrated by analysing the dispersed bones found in the medieval/post‐medieval cemetery layers of the abandoned churchyard at Sola in Rogaland, south‐western Norway. By analysing bones from disturbed graves and incorporating both archaeological and osteological data in the analyses, it was demonstrated that it is possible to provide answers to questions about the original number of burials and the number of individuals in the churchyard, the relative chronology of grave constructions and a more accurate demographic profile of the buried population.  相似文献   

7.
Lead concentrations were measured in 41 rib samples from the Romano-British cemetery at Poundbury and in two sets of soil samples from the graves yielding up the bones. The levels of lead in the soil were in no way exceptional (means for the two series were 16·7 and 24·8 μg/g dry weight) and there was no correlation between soil lead and bone lead concentrations.Since bone lead concentrations vary independently of those in the soil, it is unlikely that the bones are contaminated by lead in the soil, at least under the conditions prevailing at this particular site.  相似文献   

8.
The Italian Bell-Beaker (Final Copper Age) has been widely studied, yet little is known about its archaeofaunas. Reported are the results of the analysis of the archaeofauna from Semitella, which is one of the largest and most important Bell-Beaker sites in Italy. The site yielded an intentionally buried bovine skeleton and contained many pits, scattered throughout the excavated area. These pits may have originally contained the corpses of the animals whose bones are represented in the sample. The hypothesis is that Semitella was a sort of cemetery for animal carcasses, or a dumping ground where carcass discards and animal cadavers were thrown or buried. A careful taphonomic and zooarchaeological analyses were therefore mandatory. The study confirmed the hypothesis. It in fact revealed a poorly diversified, selected fauna, dominated by domestic taxa, matched to a strikingly low incidence of bone surface modifications, which is the expected state of bones that have been rapidly subtracted to biostratinomic agents. The accumulated evidence indicates that Semitella was a dumping and/or a burial ground for animal corpses in the surroundings of a nearby settlement. The assemblage's final arrangement is the result of floodings that removed the disarticulated skeletal parts scattering them downstream. What remains unresolved is whether, or not, the burials were connected with ritual practices.  相似文献   

9.
Fish bones from pits near Odino-type human burials at Preobrazhenka-6, the Baraba forest-steppe, are described with regard to methodological issues involved in the analysis of ichthyofauna from archaeological excavations. The bones are diagnosed in terms of age, species, number, and season of ?shing. Artifacts found in pits together with ?sh bones and the arrangement of pits suggest that ? sh were part of ritual practices of the Odino people.  相似文献   

10.
The site of U?urlu on the island of Gökçeada (Imbros) is the earliest known Neolithic settlement within the Aegean Islands (c.6800–4500 cal. BC). In total, 37 pits, associated with a rich variety of artefacts as well as human and animal bones were excavated in the Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic levels of the site (c.5900–4500 BC). The pits belonging to the early sixth millennium BC levels of U?urlu were small and located within the houses that seem to have gone through multiple episodes of house destruction and renovation rituals. During the late sixth millennium BC, this area became the focus of extensive pit‐digging activity, when large pits involving rich variety of artefacts were set within the courtyard of a special building (Building 4). Among the pits, a collective human burial pit (P188) incorporating the remains of 11 individuals and another pit (P52) involving a partial human skeleton were also found. From a comparative point of view, the construction techniques of these pits, their spatio‐temporal relations as well as their associated archaeological artefacts resemble the Anatolian and Near Eastern Neolithic practices of house destruction and renovation cycles, which are activities related to the ancestor cults of the region. We argue that all of these practices reflect public events during which social relations were negotiated through the agency of place. The differences observed during the sixth millennium BC at U?urlu reflect the changing concepts of place and society in the immediate aftermath of the Neolithic Process, when interactions with the Balkans as well as the Aegean intensified in this region.  相似文献   

11.
This study examines two urnfields, their development, burial rituals, grave goods and the cremated remains in a renewed analysis of the Danish Urnfield Tradition. The osteological investigation reveals a very high proportion of children's graves in these communal burial sites. Individual expression and demonstration of status are muted in burial rituals adhering to strict norms, although differences between age categories show through variations in the size of a burial monument. The use of CT scans and a detailed analysis of all artefacts provide evidence of the ritualized breaking of urns and the retrieval of bones from graves. Such retrieval of bones together with the layout and development of urnfields demonstrate the importance placed on the ancestors in the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. The inconspicuous burials, together with the incorporation of all age categories, suggest that the focus of these burial communities is on a relational rather than individual identity.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

Colonial masters considered it their right to take human remains collected from colonies or plundered as a result of war. The skulls of Chief Mkwawa and the sub-chief Songea were looted in the same manner from Tanganyika (now Tanzania) to Germany. While Chief Mkwawa’s skull was returned in 1954, the demands for sub-chief Songea’s skull are ongoing, with the Tanzanian community contesting ownership of human remains in European museums. The absence of bones in graves, particularly those of chiefs, have a major impact on the colonised people as graves are associated with communities’ spirituality and wellbeing. This article shows that without a final resting place for the victims of colonialism, mourning is difficult, traumatic and endless. Individuals, communities and nations bestow social, cultural and political significance on human remains, even those curated in museums. The significance of each group is attached to the affective memorialisation of personal bereavement. What happens, then, when the memorialised graves were created at a time when mourning was impossible and the authority to bury or not to bury was in hands of the colonisers? How do the colonial plunder of human body parts and the demands for their return unfold in the contemporary history of Tanzania? These are some of the questions  相似文献   

13.
Information on the number of carnivore taxa that were involved with archaeological bone assemblages is pertinent to questions of site formation, hominid and carnivore competition for carcasses and the sequence of hominid and carnivore activity at sites. A majority of early archaeological bone assemblages bear evidence that both hominids and carnivores removed flesh and/or marrow from the bones. Whether flesh specialists (felids) or bone-crunchers (hyaenas), or both, fed upon the carcasses is crucial for deciphering the timing of hominid involvement with the assemblages. Here we present an initial attempt to differentiate the tooth mark signature inflicted on bones by a single carnivore species versus multiple carnivore taxa. Quantitative data on carnivore tooth pits, those resembling a tooth crown or a cusp, are presented for two characteristics: the area of the marks in millimetres, and the shape as determined by the ratio of the major axis to the minor axis of the mark. Tooth pits from bones modified by extant East African carnivores and latex impressions of tooth pits from extinct carnivore species are compared to those in the FLK Zinjanthropus bone assemblage. Data on tooth mark shape indicate greater variability in theZinj sample than is exhibited by any individual extant or extinct carnivore species in the comparative sample. Data on tooth mark area demonstrate that bone density is related to the size of marks. Taken together, these data support the inference that felids defleshed bones in the Zinj assemblage and that hyaenas had final access to any grease or tissues that remained.  相似文献   

14.
湖北荆州熊家冢墓地2008年发掘简报   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
熊家冢墓地位于湖北省荆州市川店镇张场村三组和宗北村一组的西山岗上,南北长550、东西宽200米,由主冢、祔冢、殉葬墓、祭祀坑、车马坑等组成。2008年3~12月,荆州博物馆发掘了6座马坑、3座小车马坑和1座大车马坑的大部分。大车马坑车辆的类型多样,分两排放置,排列有序。根据出土铜器并结合整个墓地的年代判断,车马坑的年代约为战国中期。熊家冢墓地车马坑的规模之大,目前在我国尚属首例,它的发掘对于研究战国车制具有重要的意义。  相似文献   

15.
T. Wright  W. Bromet 《考古杂志》2013,170(1):72-92
This paper records the excavation of a ploughed-out round barrow (ring-ditch) at Ravenstone, Buckinghamshire (SP 8535 4895). The circular ditch (12.0 m diameter) was broken by four narrow causeways. Two graves were located at the centre of the monument. The primary grave was apparently a cenotaph, for although a coffin, an antler spatula and a flint fabricator were discovered, no skeletal material was found. The secondary grave contained the crouched inhumation of a woman, accompanied by grave goods. Finds from both graves suggest leather-working. A four-post structure (3.60 m square) may have existed on the site prior to the barrow's construction. A substantial quantity of worked flint came from the excavated area, and small pits contained flints of late Neolithic and pottery of Iron Age date. The excavation records are housed at the Buckinghamshire County Museum, as CAS 2555 in the Sites and Monuments Record, and the finds as L.301.  相似文献   

16.
During the archaeobotanical investigation of Scythian–Sarmatian period (Early Iron Age), pits with crop processing waste, discovered in the floodplain of Donets River, eastern Ukraine, and charred remains of cereal grains, dominated by broomcorn millet, were recorded. The grains from the pits were radiocarbon dated to the fifth to first century BC. Those pits are distant from any known contemporaneous settlement. The apparent disconnection of these pits from any local settlement suggests that (1) millet was brought from other locations by mobile groups, or (2) millet was cultivated locally by populations whose settlements have left no discernible archaeological trace. The analysis of molecular biomarkers preserved in palaeosols that are stratigraphically connected to the pits revealed high levels of miliacin, a molecule that can be preserved in ancient soils and sediments, and that is consistent with broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum). High levels in miliacin in soils stratigraphically connected to the pits are interpreted as the result of a large biomass of P. miliaceum produced at time of soil formation. Our biogeochemical results applied to a palaeosol thus attest to the in situ cultivation of crops dominated by the broomcorn millet during the early Iron Age in the floodplain of Donets River. Biochemical examination of soils and palaeosols can thus provide useful information on past dynamics of land-use by ancient population, especially when settlements or macrobotanical remains are absent.  相似文献   

17.
L. T. RUNIA 《Archaeometry》1987,29(2):221-232
Bones from a Bronze Age settlement in a low-lying area in The Netherlands were analysed for their content of strontium and certain other elements. Low strontium concentrations in the human bones indicate that part of the diet consisted of animal products. Milk and dairy products were probably also incorporated in the diet. This would have had a marked effect on the Sr/Ca ratio of the total diet and on the strontium content of human bones. Anomalous mean strontium concentrations for the animal species are tentatively explained in relation to the specific environment of the settlement. Different pasturing practices for cattle and sheep/goat respectively are possibly reflected by the strontium content of their bones.  相似文献   

18.
2003年2~4月,河南省文物考古研究所受重庆市文化局委托,对万州铺垭遗址进行钻探、发掘.该遗址始于东周,历东汉、唐宋,一直延续到明清,其主要文化遗存为东周文化,发现有房址、陶器等.东汉和唐代的遗存次之,发现有灰坑、墓葬,以及陶、瓷器.  相似文献   

19.
Although the communities of Anglo-Saxon England usually buried their dead in separate cemeteries, a handful of burials have been found in or alongside buildings, settlement ditches, and other domestic features. Such burials have so far escaped systematic study. This article presents a corpus of thirty graves in rural settlement contexts between the fifth and ninth centuries across England. It analyses the demographics, treatment, and pathology of the burials, as well as their spatial associations. Informed by recent approaches to ‘placed’ deposits, it explores why certain individuals might have been selected for burial in domestic contexts, and how living with the dead affected rural communities.  相似文献   

20.
Intermediate and Middle Bronze Age tombs with weapons (mainly daggers) in the southern Levant were often interpreted as ‘warrior graves’. Taking into consideration new data from Rishon Le‐Zion (Israel), recent work on early warfare and warriors, and a study of so‐called ‘warrior graves’ in Mesopotamia (Rehm 2003), we suggest that most of these graves are not graves of elite warriors, but typical male burials. We also discuss the assumed ‘burial kit’ and the decline in numbers of weapons per burial, which is in our view related to the shift from individual burials (in the Intermediate Bronze and Middle Bronze IIA periods) to multiple shaft burials (in the Middle Bronze IIB period).  相似文献   

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