Liberal nationalism and the nationalisation of liberal values*

ABSTRACT. This article considers whether appeals to ‘national values’ in public discourse and political debate might be a form of nationalism. This theoretical question about the applicability of the category of nationalism faces the objections that political values cannot constitute nationality, and that this is even more so the case when the values in question are liberal, as they often are. Against these objections, it is argued that ‘the nationalisation of liberal values’ may, and in some contexts of immigration and Europeanisation probably do, exhibit ‘boundary mechanisms’ that are among the central features of nationalism. This feature of the nationalisation of liberal values carries both normative and explanatory implications, which relate to the concerns of ‘liberal nationalism’.     

Liberal Policy Debates and Their Consequences for African Americans

Marilyn E. Lashley and Melanie Njeri Jackson (Eds.), African Americans and the New Policy Consensus: Retreat of the Liberal State.     

Industrial Policy: Conservative, Liberal and Radical Views

Books reviewed in this articles:
Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison, The Deindustrialization of America
Executive Office of the President, Office of Management and Budget, Fiscal 1982 Budget Revisions
Ira C. Magaziner and Robert B. Reich, Minding America's Business; The Decline and Rise of the American Economy
Robert B. Reich, The Next American Frontier     

论宋初兴文教抑武事的形成

宋初统治者吸取了五代时期武将得宠骄行所形成的君弱臣强的教训,改变统治策略,确立了“以文化成天下”的国策来巩固政权。作为为这一政治目的服务的国家文教政策则通过“兴文教”和“抑武事”的两个方面具体贯彻统治意图。一方面通过重振儒术和完善科举制度,用以提高文臣地位;另一方面又将“抑武事”作为达到长治久安的手段,对军事将领施以压制和打击。由此形成了在国家政治生活中文武分途的情景,在极大地提升了文臣地位的同时又使武将精神状态发生变化,造成了国家军事发展长期赢弱的恶果。     

The Odd Compartmentalization: Public Opinion,Aggregate Data,and Policy Analysis*

This article examines some of the assumptions that underlie the use of aggregate data for policy analysis, In particular, it explores the consequences of the assumption of antagonistic attitudes between “haves” and “have nots” on social welfare policies. Use of public opinion data demonstrates the low salience of regressiveness of taxation and thereby calls into question the validity of a common indice in aggregate analysis. The use of this and related examples is intended to demonstrate the value of supplementing aggregate data analysis of public policy with direct evidence about public attitudes toward those policies.     

The Candidates of the Liberal Unionist Party, 1886–1912*

Historians have hitherto based discussion of the electoral performance of the Liberal Unionist Party on incomplete data regarding the candidates of the party, as published sources, including F.W.S. Craig's British Parliamentary Election Results, 1885–1918, the standard reference work, include a number of cases where the party label of a Unionist candidate (either Liberal Unionist or Conservative) is uncertain or incorrect. Utilising a wide range of primary and secondary sources, this article resolves a number of these cases, and thus creates the most accurate list of Liberal Unionist candidates available. The creation of this list allows for accurate analysis of the party's history, and the article makes some preliminary observations based on the data presented. Among these observations are that the Liberal Unionists comprised a consistent percentage of the overall Unionist Party in the house of commons, that the number of seats contested by Liberal Unionists remained steady through the January 1910 election, and that existing interpretations of the electoral pact between the Liberal Unionists and Conservatives may be flawed.     

Interorganizational Collaboration Networks in Economic Development Policy: An Exponential Random Graph Model Analysis*

Regional economic development competition can be inefficient and destructive because decisions by one governmental unit can impose both externalities on its neighbors. Collaborative networks of multiple stakeholders within and across jurisdictions are an increasingly crucial component of regional economic development. In this article, we focus on the emergence of voluntary and self‐organizing network relationships among local governments to address economic development concerns. The motivations and decisions of local actors play a critical role in shaping and implementing regional collaboration. On a micro level, the collaboration choices are shaped by three primary factors: the transaction costs reflected in the configuration of relationships in which an actor is embedded; the organizational similarities (homophily); and the resource dependencies that shape the local actors' preferences for forming relationships with other specific actors. We utilize an exponential random graph model (ERGM) to test hypotheses regarding the most prominent observed patterns of network relationships within and across different organizational sectors. The results demonstrate that both reciprocity and social clustering structures are preferred by both government and nongovernment organizations. These results suggest that interorganizational collaboration for economic development requires more than simple exchange relationships. Rather, network actors may be better served by participating in a densely clustered network that is capable of maintaining credible commitments to collective solutions.     

民初“自由”报刊的自由观

在近代中国,尽管不能断言标名“自由”的报刊必定奉行自由主义,也有主张自由主义的报刊不以“自由”为标签,但那些自称为“自由”的刊物,显然应是考察近代中国自由主义历史轨迹的重要凭借。清季自由观念逐渐传播普及,以自由为名号的人士日渐增多。继《申报》开辟“自由谈”栏目,民初至少出现了9家标名为“自由”的报刊,主要分为两类,其一为自由党系统在各地的机关报,其二为以游戏文章追求思想、言论、出版三大自由的报刊。二者在反对各地政权的舆论压制时坚决维护言论自由,但政治上并未高揭自由主义的旗帜,其形象的社会观感亦不甚佳。此后直到抗日战争爆发,才再度出现以“自由”为名的报刊数量激增的情形,自由主义成为部分报刊的思想旗帜和政治目标。