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ABSTRACT

Polynesian Rotuma was blessed by its large coconuts and became an early focus for foreigners seeking trade in coconut oil and copra. Once the island became part of British Fiji in 1881, Rotumans voiced their concerns about increased shipping costs when going via Fiji as the port of entry. From the early 20th century they had visions of owning their own ship and thus greater control over prices for exported copra and imported goods. This article seeks to examine their constant efforts to make traders deal more fairly while seeking to manage their own shipping. Though they had some success, particularly when they formed a cooperative after World War Two, their goal largely proved unattainable but the vision and the voices have endured.  相似文献   

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For many years, the need to improve sustainability in the tourism industry has been widely recognized. Many destinations have attempted to move toward sustainability, but unfortunately, have been hindered in their attempts by a lack of collaboration among stakeholders that is necessary to support their sustainability agendas. Collaboration, specifically through multi-stakeholder partnerships, has been seen as an effective way to support initiatives in tourism development. Through the lens of Gray's collaboration theory and Selin and Chavez's tourism partnership model, the success of collaboration and partnerships in tourism development on the island of Gili Trawangan, Indonesia, will be examined. Through a multi-method approach consisting of an environmental audit and semi-structured interviews, this paper explores the implementation of a multi-stakeholder partnership. The partnership that has been developed, called the Gili Ecotrust, provides an example of successful collaboration, leading to the implementation of innovative sustainability initiatives on the island.  相似文献   

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Gediminas Lesutis 《对极》2023,55(6):1781-1801
Building on critical geographical scholarship on racialism and coloniality reiterated through infrastructure systems, this article explores how inherently colonial constructs of ethnicity-as-identity—as sub-genres of humanity and further biopolitical differentiation of Blackness—are reworked through contemporary mega-infrastructures. Focusing on the development of Lamu Port in Kenya, it analyses how infrastructures entrench pre-existing symbolic and material divisions between ostensibly different ethnic groups and how they perceive themselves within Kenya's body politic. Doing this, the article demonstrates how mega-infrastructures actively reproduce the sub-genres of humanity that were set in motion during the colonial period as categories inscribing the racialised, constitutive otherness to Whiteness. The coloniality of power, therefore, endures, reverberating through infrastructures into materialities of the present and the everyday of peoples who continue to rely on colonial grammars of sub-humanisation to maintain a sense of self in the world of not their own making.  相似文献   

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The location and management of landfills is among the many controversial issues confronting many American communities. Greatly increasing the controversy is the issue of interest group politics in the local landfill siting and international waste trading policies. Exploring the historical and political controversies, this study examines landfill politics in a public-private partnership. The analysis reveals the vulnerability of local public authority and citizen participation in this kind of partnership.  相似文献   

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Given the surprise electoral victory in May 2013 of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, which was attained on a recurrent platform of reform and change, this article seeks to investigate Iran's reform discourse by looking at how it systematically developed under President Mohammad Khatami (1997–2005). Its chief purpose is to delineate the discourse in a retrospective analytical attempt to show why it has proven so resilient and persuasive in theory while briefly explicating the causes of its failure in practice under reformists, which set the stage for the rise to power of populist neo‐conservatives marshaled by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005–2013). Divided in two main parts, it thus seeks to tease out the domestic ideology of reform as theorized by Khatami and his men on the one hand, and the foreign policy of détente and dialogue as performed by the reformist administration on the other. In so doing, the article draws primarily on the original Persian sources produced during the respective period and afterward, including Khatami's own writings as well as theoretical formulations and articulations propounded by his political strategists. Finally, it anticipates that Rouhani's “moderation” project can face the same fate as Khatami's “reform” project if the former does not heed the hard‐earned historical lessons of the latter, even though it is operating in a different sociopolitical context.  相似文献   

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We compare presidents' legislative support and success at the vote level of analysis. In so doing, we remind readers that these two outcomes measures, collected by Congressional Quarterly, Inc., may or may not reflect presidential agenda preferences. Success refers to a victory for the president on his vote positions, while support refers to margin of legislators taking the same position on the vote as the president. The vote level provides numerous characteristics of the legislation itself that serve as useful predictors of these two presidential position outcomes. These include its substantive nature, the stage of the vote on the floor, and the issue area of the vote. In addition to the characteristics of the votes themselves, we also incorporate presidential resources and environmental conditions. Virtually all of the component variables within these three concepts contribute to explaining presidents' legislative success and support in the House. We also find that, while models of overall House success and support perform similarly, controlling for party coalitional support dramatically alters the observed relationships. Therefore, without this further analysis, scholars risk misinterpreting the relationship between the president and Congress. Although we have not measured influence, we believe that these findings raise important implications for scholars of presidential-congressional relations and also suggest avenues for further research.  相似文献   

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中俄战略协作伙伴关系的历史   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
中俄睦邻友好有着悠久的历史,其间也经历了风风雨雨,而2001年两国签署的《中俄睦邻友好合作条约》为两国关系的进一步发展奠定了法律基础。中俄两国的战略协作关系体现在许多方面,如建立多层次的对话机制,继续扩大两国公众之间的相互理解,加强文化、经贸交流等。中俄战略协作伙伴关系的保持和深化给两国的社会科学工作者提出了一些非常重要的任务,如加强与传媒的合作,促使两国彼此形成一种客观、友善和相互尊重的态度和看法;在解决两国研究中存在的分歧时,要立足于两国的睦邻友好合作关系;在研究两国过去的一些局部冲突问题时,应坚持历史的立场,不能把今天的评判标准用于对过去历史事件的评价,更不能在评论事件时从今天的认识出发做道德判断等。  相似文献   

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建立在平等互信基础上的中俄战略协作伙伴关系有两个突出特点:它既允许实现各自国家的利益,同时也不限制伙伴的自由;它不是单一的关系,而是可在多个国家之间建立的一种关系。中俄战略协作伙伴关系的建立反映出中俄在政治关系中处于较高的发展水平,而两国的经济合作发展水平则远远落后于政治关系的发展。目前两国还存在着一些因素阻碍着经济合作的发展,但两国的友好关系将有利于问题的解决。  相似文献   

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Ian Russell 《Folklore》2013,124(1):15-32
This paper explores the interaction between fieldworker and “tradition bearer” over an extended period of time, in the context of an ethnographic study of singing traditions in the southern Pennines of England. Using examples, it examines the negative as well as the positive aspects of the exchange, with particular emphasis on mutuality and reciprocity. It charts the development of key relationships and the ways in which they have come to maturity and achieved equilibrium. Careful thought is given to the role of the fieldworker in respect of active/passive, interventionist/non-interventionist stances. Aspects of performance, commercialisation, networking, promotion, and media relations are discussed. Following a consideration of ethical and moral issues, including exploitation and advocacy, the paper suggests a working model of partnership as a way forward for future productive field-based research into traditional expressive arts.  相似文献   

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