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在19世纪,英国工人阶级子女的童年生活,逐渐由参加劳动转变为接受教育。这种转型根源于当时的社会、政治、经济生活所发生的深刻变化。思想文化界看待童年的观念变迁影响着人们对待儿童的态度。工业社会对劳动者的素质提出了新要求,改变了人们对待儿童的劳动和教育问题的传统态度;国家出于社会控制以及对民族未来的考虑,也在下层儿童的教育和劳动立法问题上采取越来越主动的态度;工人阶级家庭对于子女的教育和劳动问题的态度,也因为时代和社会的变化以及生活水平的提高而发生着改变。正是在这些因素的作用下,工人阶级儿童的生活重心逐渐由劳动转移到教育,这种转变不仅改变了几个世纪以来英国普通儿童的命运,也使得现代意义的童年生活初具模型。 相似文献
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中国共产党对知识分子阶级属性认识的曲折过程 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
中国共产党对知识分子的阶级属性的认识经历了一个曲折的过程。新中国成立前后,刘少奇、周恩来等人从经济地位上界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;1956年,周恩来和邓小平将经济地位和为谁服务统一起来界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;1961、1962年间,周恩来将经济地位、为谁服务、思想状况初步统一起来界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;1978年,邓小平在全国科学大会上将经济地位、为谁服务、思想状况重新统一起来界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;党的十一届三中全会以后,邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛在坚持经济地位、为谁服务、思想状况统一的基础上,着力解决知识分子是工人阶级中怎样的“一部分”的问题。 相似文献
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David Martin 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》2000,25(3):321-332
A single geographical base has traditionally been created for each census of population in the United Kingdom, aimed primarily at organizing the enumeration task. The subsequent use of this enumeration geography for diverse purposes has been problematic but unavoidable. This paper examines how new digital spatial data and GIS technology are making possible the creation of separate geographies of the 2001 Census for data collection, validation, output, specification and use. The paper explores the implications of these changes for the development of a national spatial data infrastructure and for geographical research involving the census more generally. 相似文献
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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(2):176-203
An American geographer, commenting on the preceding paper in this issue (Weeks, 2006), focuses more deeply on the results of a little-known but significant census organized by the Germans in May 1942. The author seeks to produce a credible estimate of the city's Jewish population (excluded from the census) some 11 months after the German invasion of Vilnius, and explores the factors underlying various claims that the census distorted the size of the Lithuanian and Polish populations. In the process, he sheds light on a deep interlayering of relationships among the city's diverse ethnic groups that contributes to a unique "sense of place" experienced by city residents. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: O15, O18, R14. 7 figures, 3 tables, 63 references. 相似文献
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Theodore Koditschek 《Gender & history》1997,9(2):333-363
How have feminist historians transformed the account of class formation and consciousness articulated in Thompson’s The Making of the English Working Class? Deborah Valenze’s The First Industrial Woman, Anna Clark’s The Struggle for the Breeches, Sonya Rose’s Limited Livelihoods, and Ellen Ross’s Love and Toil place the gendering of the British working class at the center of the process and explain the peculiar limitations of the working-class movement. The essay also places these books in the theoretical tradition of socialist feminism and considers them as responses to Joan Scott’s call for a poststructuralist approach to gender, class and power. 相似文献
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Landscapes of (neo-)liberal control: the transcarceral spaces of federally sentenced women in Canada
Anke Allspach 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2010,17(6):705-723
This article maps the racializing, classing and gendering cartographies of cross-spatial marginalization and social control experienced by women who were formerly federally incarcerated in Canada. By investigating women's criminalization, prison and post-prison experiences, this article traces practices of racialization, gendering and classing that underwrite liberal to neo-liberal forms of social control. Results from 68 interviews with women released from federal prisons in Canada show that women's criminalization cannot solely be traced to shifts from liberal to neo-liberal governance, but rather to the ways in which structures of oppression have influenced women's criminalization across liberal to neo-liberal rationalities. This analysis shows how liberal ‘welfarist’ ideas and ideals are embedded in neo-liberal reforms and provide the discursive platforms of an extended and widened network of social control of criminalized women beyond prison walls, across institutions, including a variety of (non-)government actors and the women themselves. This widened web of (neo-)liberal social control constitutes practices that have formed carceral spaces beyond prison walls and have perpetuated and exacerbated women's marginality after their release from federal prisons in Canada. 相似文献
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How did Kirchnerismo, initially a motley coalition of progressive Peronists and born-again Menemistas and Duhaldistas trying to scrape together some form of governability from the 2001 default, turn into one of the ‘pink tide’ governments most virulently hated by the Right? Why did long-forgotten concepts and terminologies from the epic past of revolutionary struggle suddenly resurface in the context of what, at least from the viewpoint of the autonomist Left, was hardly more than a mildly redistributive administration of scarcity, aided by the post-millennial commodity boom? In this intervention, historian Javier Trímboli urges us to take seriously some of the discursive anachronisms that flourished during Néstor and Cristina Kirchner’s periods in office (2003–2015), which, he suggests, rather than merely a form of discursive cover for clientelist politics, may have been symptomatic of the way in which some of the foundational fault-lines of modern Argentine society continue to shape political identities, styles and forms of struggle in the present. 相似文献
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Andy Merrifield 《对极》2000,32(2):176-198
For several years now, there has been a minor rekindling of interest in the ideas of Karl Marx, hailed in the New Yorker as "the next big thinker. Like other articles supposedly professing sympathy with Marx, this exhibits a common misconception. It is also underwritten with the following revisionism: Given that the agents of social changethe "modern working class"are shrinking drastically and disappearing fast, Marx's revolutionary hopes are doomed. Nowonly a residual Marx prevails, a Marx-lite, a mere analyzer of the defects of bourgeois society. This article seeks to contest these distortions. It brings Marx to bear on the present US context, positing him as an apt economic critic and telling political prophet of millennial America. It addresses standard clichés about his class definition and emphasizes how Marx really left us with a flexible, dialectical theory, hinging on the process of capital accumulation. From the standpoint of accumulation dynamics, we can justifiably argue that the working class is still growing, not shrinking in numbers. From this perspective, too, we might better comprehend the whole phenomenon of corporate downsizing and "contingent work" within the remit of Marx's different forms of relative surplus populations. The attendant questions about working class organization and politics are dealt with in the paper's conclusion, which illustrates how Marxian-style resistance is already beginning to take hold in the United States. 相似文献
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In this study we analyse the spatial distribution patterns of professionals and related workers in high-skilled occupations and elementary workers in low-skilled occupations in the Seoul metropolitan area and explore their geographical factors. Spatial autocorrelation relates to the formation and clustering of hot spots according to each occupational characteristic. Geographic factors affecting the distribution of workplaces and residences in professionals-related occupations and elementary-related occupations act differently for each middle occupational classification. However, some occupations show similar spatial distribution patterns. In particular, we found that industrial economic drivers have influence more significant than other regional factors in determining the distribution of workplace and residence by occupation. The spatial coefficient of geographical adjacency varies with the attributes of each occupation and tends to be larger in professional jobs. Findings from the study will help prepare policies related to local talents for specialisation and advancement of the occupational structure and will be of wider interest. 相似文献
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阶级分析在中国共产党的革命理论和革命实践中具有不可替代的重要意义。政治意义上的阶级是同质、固化、二元对立的,强调冲突和斗争;社会意义上的阶级是异质、流动、多元互动的,强调关联和交融。近代中国的社会历史条件尚未达到“阶级对立简单化”的程度,中国共产党在领导新民主主义革命时便不得不在两种阶级图景之间艰难地寻找平衡。在解放战争时期的土地改革运动中,阶级划分的标准和程序时常与党的阶级政策相偏离,这不能简单视为政策执行中的错误或偏差,而是政策弹性和适应性的体现,从中可以发现革命实践的辩证逻辑。 相似文献
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"美国例外论"(American exceptionalism)是美国史研究中一个值得重视的课题.不仅因为它作为一项研究已存在了近一个世纪,涉及众多的领域,而且因为它开启了对美国和其它西方国家政治、经济、文化等方面,尤其是对国际社会主义运动和工人运动史的比较性研究,触及了对美国实质的认识.西方尤其美国许多著名学者参与了这项研究.然而,我国学者对此没有专门的研究,一般性的介绍也很少,即使涉及时也只是简单地视其为一种谬论或偏见①.鉴于此,本文对这方面的情况作一些介绍和评论,不当之处恳请指教. 相似文献
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战后法国的工人阶级与社会冲突 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
法国工人阶级自第二次世界大战以来发生了很大的变化 ,但国内进行这方面系统研究的不多。本文着重分析战后法国工人阶级内部成分变化 ,指出工人阶级非产业工人化、职员化和知识化的发展趋势 ,这种趋势一定程度上削弱了工人阶级的凝聚力 ,模糊了工人阶级和小资产阶级的界限。文章进而分析了工人阶级的生活和工作状况 ,指出工人阶级的这种变化并没有完全改变工人自古以来的三个重要特征 ,第一是相对贫困化 ,第二是依附性 ,第三是缺乏安全感。最后 ,文章分析工人阶级的变化与社会冲突的关系 ,分析社会冲突在一定程度上出现缓和的原因。 相似文献
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Jane Hardy Wiesława Kozek 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2008,15(2):99-116
Pessimistic accounts of women's lives in post-communist Poland view women as powerless and passive victims of the transformation process. In contrast, this article argues that while political change and the restructuring of the economy have closed down some spaces of articulation and organisation, others have opened up. The article focuses on the way in which women in their spheres of work are shaping and actively resisting change through new organisations and individual and collective actions, which are in some ways a break with the past, but in other ways build on previous forms of activity. The work draws on qualitative research conducted over the last decade across Poland. This has coupled extensive interviews with women workers, national and regional trade union leaders, activists and feminists in a number of major Polish cities with reviews of Polish media and policy. We examine the economic and ideological context in which these new articulations are taking place, against the background of Poland's post-war communism and the rise of opposition movements. We look at the neoliberal restructuring of the economy and the implications for women within the labour market and in their domestic lives. In particular, we examine initiatives from below in workplace organisation, by focusing on new unions and new actions in the public sector, and the beginnings of organisation in the new areas of the economy such as supermarkets. Finally, we look at how women are articulating their interests beyond formal workplaces. We conclude that we should be optimistic about these new spaces of activism. While some are well established, others are embryonic but provide a strong foundation on which women can increase their participation in spaces that promote their varied interests. 相似文献