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1.
    
I lay out a case for recognizing “vulgar territory,” a fusing of superficial categories of spatial sovereignty with identarian rhetorics of belonging. I argue that vulgar territory is composed of two primary elements: first, a simplistic conception of sovereignty as being entirely contiguous with state borders. Second, affective elements of spatial belonging, particularly hope and fear. These two basic elements combine in various ways depending on the particular meanings, images, and emotions that are assembled in particular geohistorical contexts. I show this with a rough typology of “vulgates” of hyper‐bordered and feminized territory by examining recent examples from around the world.  相似文献   

2.
关于当代中国边疆研究中的几个问题   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
关于边疆的界定问题 ,在 2 0世纪 90年代以前 ,我们往往只提陆疆 ,在这以后有所改变 ,增加了海疆的概念。我们在观察边疆地区的时候一定要历史地看 ,中国疆域的历史发展呈现出延续性和波动性相结合的特点。边疆的重要战略地位不仅体现在边疆地区是国防的前线、改革开放的前沿 ,还体现在边疆地区的稳定与发展是我国可持续发展的重要保证  相似文献   

3.
    
Joe Painter 《对极》2010,42(5):1090-1118
Abstract: Territory is the quintessential state space and appears to be of growing political importance. It is also a key concept in geography, but it has not been subject to as much critical attention as related geographical terms and remains under‐theorised. Taking my cue from Timothy Mitchell's suggestion that the state should be understood as the effect of social practices, I argue that the phenomenon that we call territory is not an irreducible foundation of state power, let alone the expression of a biological imperative. Instead, territory too must be interpreted principally as an effect. This “territory‐effect” can best be understood as the outcome of networked socio‐technical practices. Thus, far from refuting or falsifying network theories of spatiality, the current resurgence of territory can be seen as itself a product of relational networks. Drawing on an empirical case study of the monitoring of regional economic performance through the measurement of gross value added (GVA), I show that “territory” and “network” are not, as is often assumed, incommensurable and rival principles of spatial organisation, but are intimately connected.  相似文献   

4.
5.
Weimar Germany's economic plight has oftentimes been blamed on reparations in simplistic fashion. Alternative interpretations ignored reparations entirely, instead emphasizing gold standard constraints or wage increases in excess of productivity growth. This paper argues for a strong but subtle link between Germany's slump and these policies. Based on sovereign debt theory, it provides an incentive-based interpretation of the transfer problem, the compensation of reparations by counteracting capital inflows. I argue that the German transfer problem resulted from transfer protection under the Dawes Plan, which gave commercial credits seniority over reparations. This gave Germany a strategic incentive to drive out reparations through foreign borrowing. The Young Plan of 1929 implied a reversal of this seniority scheme, causing a sudden stop in the balance of payments that lasted to the late 1930s. The Young Plan could only have worked in the absence of an international recession; attempts to salvage it in 1931 were necessarily futile.  相似文献   

6.
Abstract

New large-scale linked data are revolutionizing quantitative history and demography. This paper proposes two complementary strategies for improving inference with linked historical data: the use of validation variables to identify higher quality links and a simple, regression-based weighting procedure to increase the representativeness of custom research samples. We demonstrate the potential value of these strategies using the 1850–1930 Integrated Public Use Microdata Series Linked Representative Samples (IPUMS-LRS)—a high quality, publicly available linked historical dataset. We show that, while incorrect linking rates appear low in the IPUMS-LRS, researchers can reduce error rates further using validation variables. We also show how researchers can reweight linked samples to balance observed characteristics in the linked sample with those in a reference population using a simple regression-based procedure.  相似文献   

7.
乌梁海问题     
自19世纪初起,乌梁海地方已纳入清帝国版图。1727年俄中布连斯奇界约和恰克图界约确定了俄中两国在乌梁海地方的国界。自1755年起,乌梁海地方受乌里雅苏台将军管辖,其行政体制与蒙古的行政体制相同。乌梁海人信仰喇嘛教,使用的文字为蒙文。1908年1月24日,沙皇尼古拉二世在一份报告上批示说:乌梁海日后对俄国极为有用,并指示内阁讨论向乌梁海移民和占领乌梁海问题。1911年11月21日,俄国内阁就乌梁海问题举行专门会议,认为,自18世纪中叶起,乌梁海实际上已臣服博格达汗,俄国确实没有占领乌梁海地方的法律根据,但内阁依然决定加强向乌梁海移居俄国臣民。其现实目的是加强俄国在乌梁海的影响,而日后的任务是吞并乌梁海。1914年沙皇政府以威胁利诱,甚至讨伐手段,先后将乌梁海五旗置于俄国保护之下,实际上已将乌梁海并入俄国版图。  相似文献   

8.
本文是作者在20世纪80年代发表的有关讨论中国古代疆域的论文基础上,进一步阐述了古代中国疆域范围即古代中国统一多民族国家统一或分裂的政权所管辖疆域的观点;接着,对20世纪90年代以来有关中国疆域形成的新观点作了评述,并提出了对古代中国疆域形成、发展的阶段划分(即分期)以及规律和特征的四点认识。  相似文献   

9.
本文在总结以往研究的基础上,对中国疆域形成和发展历程进行了分期研究,认为我们研究的“中国疆域”应该是指康熙二十八年(1689)《尼布楚条约》的签订到1840年鸦片战争爆发期间清朝的疆域。这一疆域的形成和发展大致经历了:自然凝聚时期,时间是从中华大地人类文明的出现,到《尼布楚条约》的签订;疆域明晰时期,时间是从《尼布楚条约》的签订到1840年鸦片战争爆发;列强的蚕食鲸吞时期,时间是从鸦片战争爆发到中华人民共和国成立;现代疆域巩固时期,时间从1949年中华人民共和国成立后至今。  相似文献   

10.
丁见民 《史学月刊》2006,15(5):94-100,107
美国学术界对20世纪30年代印第安人新政的研究可以分为三个阶段。第一个阶段是研究的初期阶段,主要以新政改革参与者和同时代学者为主,多颂扬印第安人新政。第二个阶段是印第安人新政研究的快速发展时期,美国学者开始重新思考和评价这一重大改革举措,对印第安人新政的批评和指责也越来越多。第三个阶段为全面繁荣时期,传统印第安人史学与新兴族裔史学遥相呼应,对印第安人新政的批评与赞扬交织于一起。  相似文献   

11.
    
The intercensal period (2006–2011) was a time of significant policy and population change in Indigenous affairs. The aim of this paper is to document the changing distribution of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population and housing geographies over that period. We use the Indigenous Region structure developed by the Australian Bureau of Statistics to show that Indigenous Australians grew at a rate that significantly outstrips the non‐Indigenous population with an increasing concentration of the Indigenous population on the urban eastern seaboard and particularly among older people. We present results that show that for certain measures, the housing situation of the Indigenous population in 2011 had improved relative to the Indigenous population in 2006. A smaller proportion of Indigenous households were estimated to live in an overcrowded dwelling compared with Indigenous households in 2006. There were also significant increases in the per cent of Indigenous households that owned or were purchasing their own home. Other results might be seen as less positive with community housing (a tenure type identified as having benefits in both qualitative and quantitative analysis) declining in importance. In net terms though, Indigenous households continue to experience a high degree of housing need. Compared with other households, they were 3.7 times as likely to live in an overcrowded dwelling.  相似文献   

12.
早在女真族初步形成之时,居住于朝鲜半岛北部的西女真和东女真就将家园视为中国之内的封境。高丽北进,女真则失去了大片土地。辽朝末年,为保卫家园,女真人在曷懒甸(今咸兴平原)大败高丽军。在朝鲜王朝占领半岛东北部以后,女真首领王可仁、佟景再三提醒明成祖,朝鲜所占之地乃是女真人的旧土,但由于彼时明朝君臣对该地历史的不确知,十处女真居地被送与朝鲜。  相似文献   

13.
民国时期全国人口统计数字的来源   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
民国时期的中国人口数量迄今为止仍然是一个谜。现有的多种民国时期人口统计数字 ,来源复杂 ,彼此矛盾 ,使人无从选择。民国时期 ,“四万万人口”的说法经常被提及 ,甚至被官方认可。事实上 ,“四万万人口”仅是一些主观估计的结果 ,而不是全国人口普查的结果  相似文献   

14.
朱宏才 《攀登》2005,24(6):152-156
斯巴达不是城邦国家,而是领土国家。或者说,斯巴达先是一个城邦国家,后来慢慢发展成为领土国家。根据这个观点,文章建议:其一,有关《世界历史》的教材应该作修改,明确斯巴达为领土国家;其二,即使不修改,也应在教课书中注明这一观点,由学者自己去评判。否则,斯巴达是城邦国之误还会在其它史书中出现,会以讹传讹。  相似文献   

15.
16.
The Canadian Century Research Infrastructure (CCRI) began with the development of designs for large representative samples of the decennial census from 1911 to 1951 and continued with the development of sophisticated SPIDER software for data entry and processing. This work builds on previous research projects in several ways, including the use of digital images within an integrated suite of Java-based software programs. By describing the theoretical and practical questions addressed in the CCRI initiative, the authors seek to contribute to international efforts to enhance construction of historical databases for systematic research on economic, social. and political change.  相似文献   

17.
    
Indian women's writing in English has long depicted Indian women as victims of society, whose rights are routinely exploited and whose welfare and happiness are commonly sacrificed for the good of their families and communities. The literature has often depicted the women as complicit, accepting and upholding the definition of a good woman as one who is faithful, virtuous, self-effacing and obedient. This definition is also one the women instil in their daughters, thus reinforcing this code of ethics. This article observes that there is a tide running contrary to this and that there is a new breed of women in twenty-first century Indian literary fiction in English: women who are single and married, working and non-working, middle and upper-middle class and wives and mothers, who are no longer prepared to be ‘good girls’. These women knowingly, thoughtfully and successfully defy societal conventions to have pre and extramarital affairs, divorces and even custody battles for children, without shame, guilt, dire consequences or even societal condemnation. This article argues that these writings represent a quietly radical departure from the conventional depictions of the roles, expectations and morals of middle-class urban twenty-first century Indian women.  相似文献   

18.
青藏高原特有的高山地带适宜游牧、河谷地带有利农耕的自然条件,带来了该地域定居农业与游牧社会二元分割的态势。因二者势均力敌、彼此难以统合对方,造成该地域在前近代除了吐蕃王朝暂短统一外,大部分时间处于分裂割据状态。此既是藏传佛教趁势崛起之缘由,亦为元、清两朝政治力量始终对该地域起着决定性影响的深层机理。同时,由于藏传佛教通过宗教的力量将雪域高原的文明一体性延续下来,妙用文化的力量参与并深刻地影响着古代中国疆域构建历程,使得该地域在中国疆域底定过程中起着不可替代的作用。  相似文献   

19.
    
This article argues for the importance of the Royal Indian Navy mutiny of 1946 in two key aspects of the transition towards Indian independence: civilian control over the Indian military, and a competition for power between Congress and communists that undermined Indian workers and their student allies. The article begins with an investigation of the mutiny drawing on three sources: a first-person account from a lead mutineer, a communist history of the mutiny, and the papers published in the Towards Freedom collection. In 1946 a handful of low-ranking sailors sparked a naval mutiny that ultimately involved upwards of 20,000 sailors, and then crashed into the streets of Bombay with revolutionary fervour. The Communist Party in Bombay seized upon the mutiny as an opportunity to rally the working class against the British raj, with the hope of ending British rule through revolution rather than negotiation. Yet the mutiny proved less of a harbinger of what was ending and more of a bellwether for what was to come. Congress, sensing the danger of the moment, snuffed out support for the mutiny, and insisted on a negotiated transfer of power. Congress’s action thereby set a precedent for civilian dominance over the military in post-independence India. At the same time, however, Congress betrayed the effectiveness of some of organised labour’s strongest advocates, namely the Communist Party, Bombay students and Bombay labour, thereby undermining their costly mass protest, and hobbling them in future conflicts against Indian capitalists.  相似文献   

20.
    
Anthony Ince 《对极》2012,44(5):1645-1666
Abstract: This paper applies an anarchist approach to ongoing debates on the politics, nature and function of territory. Recent work in geography has problematised dominant modes of territory, but has stopped short of a systematic critique of how statist spatial imaginations and practices reproduce and perpetuate the dominance of both capitalism and authority in society. In this paper, I deploy anarchist thought and practice to argue that territory must be viewed as a processual and contested product of social relations. This is linked to the notion of prefiguration; a distinctive concept in anarchist thought and practice embedding envisioned future modes of social organisation into the present. Using examples from fieldwork with anarchist‐inspired groups, I explore anarchist prefigurative politics as a means to re‐imagine how practices of territorialisation and bordering might be deployed as part of a broader project of social transformation.  相似文献   

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