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Using the 1996 National Black Election Study, I estimate black opinions of affirmative action by developing models that capture the effects of self‐interest, group consciousness, reference groups, and social justice. The method I used is ordered logit. An examination of the data show that, unlike many studies that examine the effects of self‐interest on public opinion, I find that self‐interest matters. I also find that black individuals also support affirmative action from a sense of group consciousness. The results also suggest that some support affirmative action consistent with the reference group theory and the pursuit of social justice.  相似文献   

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In India, movements and parties representing the lowest ranking dalit caste groups have followed different strategies in their struggle against social, economic and cultural discrimination. In this article, a new dalit movement making use of a ‘transnational advocacy network strategy’ will be compared to a more ‘classical’dalit political party. The main policy target for the new movement is an extension of existing affirmative action policies, while the dalit BSP party focuses more on emancipatory issues. Based on an analysis of the impacts of the BSP and of the new movement at the grassroots level, it is argued that the achievements of the new movement are tempered by the fact that in order to make use of international discourses and political pressure, the movement has had to develop a strategy and policy proposals compatible with existing mainstream neoliberal discourses. This depoliticizes the policies, and hence makes them of less importance strategically. It is argued that this is likely to be a difficulty for transnational advocacy networks in general.  相似文献   

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The effect of identity, as socially constructed by race and gender, on social policies has been widely examined in policy analysis. Policy analysis would be improved by a wider discussion that includes the influence of social‐psychological constructs on social provision. We fill this gap by drawing on the theory of the “belief in a just world” and link this theory to attitudes toward the support of controversial government programs. We argue that this theory is a critical antecedent to the previous research on social construction. We hypothesize that citizens who perceive that the world is just and that opportunities are equal between groups are much less likely to favor government interventions altering market outcomes. We find that after controlling for race, sex, and political ideology, respondents who believe that luck is the primary determinant of success (low belief in a just world) are more supportive of preferential hiring programs for African Americans and women.  相似文献   

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近年来,组织伦理氛围与组织承诺之间的相关性研究备受研究者关注。我国大陆关于饭店企业组织伦理氛围对组织承诺影响的研究非常少见。本研究主要以安徽、福建、湖南、四川、河南等地的9家三星级以上饭店为样本,采取问卷调查方法,利用结构方程模型软件定量分析了饭店企业组织伦理氛围对组织承诺的影响。据此提出了改善饭店企业组织伦理氛围与提升员工组织承诺的对策建议。  相似文献   

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组织的服务氛围与员工的情感性劳动对服务质量的影响   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
作者在广州市的17个酒店和餐馆进行了一次实证研究,探讨组织的服务氛围和员工的情感性劳动行为对顾客感知的服务质量的影响.多层次线性模型分析结果表明,组织的服务氛围、员工感知的交往公平性、自然表演和深层表演行为与服务质量有显著的正相关关系,表面表演行为与服务质量存在显著的负相关关系;服务氛围既直接影响顾客感知的服务质量,又调节员工感知的交往公平性、心理服务氛围和工作满意感对服务质量的影响.  相似文献   

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This article evaluates the impact of opposition originating at the national level on affirmative action policies in 13 Texas cities in the late 1980s and early 1990s. We find that increased national hostility to affirmative action in hiring and contracting has had little effect on the content and strength of affirmative action programs in Texas municipalities. In fact, most programs have been maintained or strengthened since the 1980s. However, there is no clear and consistent relationship between the strength of municipal programs and either minority political representation or the size of a city's minority population. City size appears to be a relevant, but not decisive, factor in maintaining comprehensive policies. As such, we explore two additional hypotheses—policy time lag and bureaucratic insulation—to account for the survival and strengthening of municipal affirmative action policies in the 1990s.  相似文献   

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This case study of the enforcement of executive orders shows one of the complexities of presidential administrative leadership. Executive Order No. 11246, designed to implement equal employment opportunity in federal contracts, is the focal point for the study. Ronald W. Reagan wished to make sure that the impact of the executive order was not to impose numerical goals, quotas, or timetables on employers. However, even within his own administration, Secretary of Labor William Brock opposed Reagan's lessening of employment standards. More interestingly, perhaps, the larger contractors also opposed changing the order, thinking that uncertainty and reduced standards might affect them negatively. The study shows that even within the administrative presidency there are limits to presidential influence, as the wishes of the labor secretary and large government contractors prevailed.  相似文献   

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在地化影响下的中国海外移民行为特征探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
论文阐释了"在地化"的概念界定和移民在地化表现并对"在地化"的几个相关问题提出了自己的观点。论文认为,中国海外移民在海外生存发展,为住在国家和祖籍国都作出了积极贡献,但是在某些特殊历史时期还处于"两头不是人"的尴尬境地。缘于生存需要,移民对移居地(国家)有利益从属性,由此构成移民行为的一般规律。将移民在地化与边缘性杠杆比较分析可以看出,在地化是中国海外移民形成对中外双方而言具备居间比较优势的前提。通过撬动边缘性杠杆,中国海外移民一直在为提升自我的同时发挥着促进中外交流的社会历史作用,进而充分体现出其爱国情怀。  相似文献   

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Institutional collective action (ICA) dilemmas arise from the division or partitioning of authority in which decisions by one government in one or more specific functional area impacts other governments and/or other functions. The focus on externalities of choice in fragmented systems integrates multiple research traditions into a conceptual system to understand and investigate collective dilemmas ubiquitous in contemporary governance arrangements. The mechanisms for mitigating ICA dilemmas are classified according to their scope and enforcement. Incentives to participate in a mechanism are hypothesized to favor mechanisms that provide the greatest gain for the least cost under different conditions of collaboration risk as determined by the nature of the underlying ICA problem, the compositions of affected jurisdictions, and institutional contexts. After reviewing empirical applications of the framework, an agenda to advance the theoretical and empirical development of the ICA approach is advanced.  相似文献   

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The effect of human activity on climate is examined against the background of a rapid increase in the production of man-made heat, which is likely to reach a magnitude of the order of the natural radiation balance on the earth's surface. The microclimate of cities is particularly affected by the production of industrial heat and by the heating of buildings in winter. Deforestation of large areas in conjunction with the expansion of agriculture has an impact on climate. The impact of shelterbelts is analyzed in detail, together with the effect of irrigation, swamp drainage and the creation of large reservoirs.  相似文献   

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李安山 《世界历史》2006,1(2):92-102
本文从三个方面分析了战争与政治权力的关系,并以战利品的赏赐和人力资源的利用为例,探讨了古代战争对政治权力的影响。作者的论点是:战争可以通过各种物质因素影响政治权力。战争需要从多方面进行投资,其结果也直接影响国家的物质基础。赏赐战利品对王权产生双重影响,既可以激励士兵,提高军人的忠诚度,也可以导致军人压力集团的形成或军心涣散,从而削弱王权。新的人力资源(战俘、奴隶和臣民)为巩固王权提供了便利条件。作者认为对殉葬的传统解释过分强调政治层面而忽略了这一现象的宗教文化因素。  相似文献   

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陈齐 《神州》2014,(9):14-14
Along with the development of the information technology, people with different cultures are living together.Hence, there are both positive and negative influences. The former one can help to promote the development of a nation, but the later one can let people feel confused about their culture or even forget it. In the following parts, I focus on the positive influences.According to my humble analysis, we need to seek harmony without uniformity.  相似文献   

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清党以后国民党的组织蜕变   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
国共两党在有关清党历史的书写中,一方颂之为“护党救国运动”,一方谴之为“反革命政变”。双方都将目光聚焦于中共在这场运动中所受的沉重打击,而甚少关注这场运动对国民党自身的直接影响。对国民党而言,清党运动是一场党内人才逆淘汰运动。国民党在清党过程中的自我创伤几乎不亚于共产党所受的打击。清党之后,国民党地方党权托付无人,惟有听任土豪劣绅和投机腐化分子侵夺和分掠地方权力资源,在地方社会藉党为恶。直至抗战前夕,普通国民党员数量尚未恢复到清党前的规模,党员的地域分布与政权的地域基础不相吻合,其党务组织形态大致呈现出“上层有党,下层无党;城市有党,乡村无党;沿海有党,内地无党”的格局。战前党员绝大多数出自中等以上社会阶层。国民党不是培养党员成为社会各界的楷模,而是网罗社会各界原有的权势人物或具有权势潜能的人加入国民党。考察战前舆论对国民党的观感,有助于我们修正这样一种观念,即认为国民党的失民心主要是在抗战后期和抗战胜利以后才充分显露的。  相似文献   

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The pursuit of "coordination" has been a prominent theme both in local responses to homelessness and in the current incentives in federal housing policy. This article reviews some of the conditions that make coordination important yet difficult to achieve in the homeless area. A variety of approaches for achieving coordination at the local level are reviewed, ranging from point-of-service coordination to system-design. The local examples are drawn from the cities participating in the evaluation of The Robert Wood Johnson and the Department of Housing and Urban Development Homeless Families Program. The questions of effectiveness and future prospects for homeless service coordination are raised.  相似文献   

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