法国大革命前夕争取报刊自由的运动

路易十五时代的法国启蒙思想家们掀起了持续不断的争取报刊自由的运动.英国诗人弥尔顿发表于1644年主张报刊自由的辩护词,以及1776年弗吉尼亚宣告报刊自由的行动,都激励了法国报刊自由的拥护者.1788年7月5目的法兰西王国行政法院决议给予了报刊一种事实上的自由.此后至1789年7月,法国社会各阶层拥护报刊自由的人士,在该决议的框架内主要通过小册子和陈情书来表达他们的诉求.大多数法国资产阶级人士强烈拥护报刊自由,他们希望完全废除审查制度.1789年,争取报刊自由的潮流极其猛烈,摇摇欲坠的旧制度已无力抵挡.     

Italy says no: the 2016 constitutional referendum and its consequences

On 4 December 2016, Italians went to the polls to say yes or no in a popular referendum called by Prime Minister Matteo Renzi on his package of constitutional reforms. Turnout was very high: 65.5 per cent. The No vote scored an impressive victory: 59.1 per cent rejected those reforms; 40.9 per cent supported them. This article puts those reforms in the context of previous attempts to modify several articles of the Italian constitution. The authors analyze and criticize the substance of those reforms and explain their possible impact on the functioning of the Italian political system. The Yes and No alignments were somewhat diversified, while the Yes vote got a lot of support from an often curious combination of domestic and foreign bedfellows interested in the political stability of Renzi’s government more than in any specific reform. Renzi’s defeat led to his resignation. A new government was immediately formed. It is unclear when and whether other, different constitutional reforms will be formulated. The Italian political and institutional transition continues while once again attention is focused on the electoral law and on how to restructure the parties and the party system.     

党组织、党员与群众——华北土改期间的整党运动

在土地改革期间,中国共产党针对基层党员干部发动了广泛而深入的整党运动。整党运作的基本特征在于让党外群众介入其间,并对基层党员干部行使审查评议之权,即所谓"开门整党"。整党运动中党组织、党员与群众之间的关系,表征了乡村权力结构和共产党乡村治理模式的深刻变化。借助群众力量进行整党,不仅可以实现对基层政治精英的有效监控,也有助于将乡村民众整合到党和国家的权力体系中来,因而对乡村治理目标的实现具有重要意义。     

Labourists and the welfare lobby: the relationship between the Federal Labor Party and the Australian Council of Social Service (ACOSS)

The Australian Council of Social Service (ACOSS) and the federal ALP have often been depicted as political allies due to the relative symmetry of their ideological positions. However, this article argues that their relationship is far more complex than an alliance would suggest, and has always involved a mixture of both cooperation and conflict. On the one hand, the ALP seems to expect political loyalty from ACOSS, but has never been willing to cede ACOSS the same influence granted to core interest-group allies such as the ACTU. Equally, ACOSS appears to have greater expectations of, and makes greater demands on, the ALP than Liberal–National Coalition governments, but is not willing to trade away its party-political independence in return.     

The year of the insurgents: the 2008 US presidential campaign

The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Bush's unpopularity at home and abroad and the looming threat of recession would have made a gripping drama of the 2008 presidential election campaign even without the ground‐breaking emergence of the first credible black and female candidates for the White House. But the defeat of the Democratic establishment's front‐runner, Hillary Clinton, by a little‐known freshman Senator of mixed ancestry suggested that this was to be the year of the insurgent, just as the Republicans rallied to the least loyal and most contentious of their candidates, the maverick Senator John McCain. The extraordinarily attractive and articulate Senator Barack Obama re‐wrote the rule book on winning primaries and caucuses with the help of Silicon Valley and an unprecedented turnout among black and young voters, before veering sharply to the centre once the nomination was secured. Orthodoxy returned at the conventions, with Obama picking a safe centrist as running mate and McCain choosing a Christian conservative, although generating great excitement by nominating a woman and undermining the usual democrat advantage among female voters. And for all the talk of a ‘new politics’, the year of the insurgents came down at the end, as US elections usually do, to a handful of swing states and the money and organization to win them.     

Transnational environmentalism and entanglements of sovereignty: The tiger campaign across the Himalayas

In the spring of 2006, Tibetans in China set fire to more than a million dollars worth of otter, leopard and tiger pelts. The numerous bonfires were a response to the 14th Dalai Lama's statement, made at the Kalachakra Initiation Ceremony in India, that Tibetans should cease wearing such pelts. The Chinese state interpreted this as an act of loyalty to the Dalai Lama and this evidence of multiple overlapping sovereignties as a threat to its exclusive territorial sovereignty. An effort to clarify this space invited a sovereign invocation of the exception, as salaried employees were forced to wear endangered animal pelts, violating Chinese national law. A conjunctural analysis of the Dalai Lama's speech and the subsequent burnings demonstrates that contrary to prevailing narratives, transnational environmental advocacy played a key role. The conjuncture in which these events took place was shaped by multiple competing entanglements of Chinese, Indian, and Tibetan sovereignties with nature protection and transnational activism. Two distinct assemblages, shaped by power relations and the politics of sovereignty, formed around protecting the tiger across the Himalayas, with dramatically different effects. The case shows that far from post-sovereign environmental governance, nature and sovereignty remain inextricably entangled, and illustrates how multiple modes to construct and defend state sovereignty come into conflict with each other.