美国早期共和国媒体的扩张话语

通过选择性的报道和评论,美国早期刊物积极鼓动美国政府和美国民众占领印第安土地,同化或者驱赶印第安人,利用一切机会蚕食和占据欧洲国家在北美的殖民地;某些媒体甚至还要求美国向太平洋扩张,谋求北美大陆之外的海洋霸权。虽说早期媒体的扩张话语并不等同于美国政府的实际政策,但却反映了众多政治家和民众的扩张意识,勾勒出了美国以扩张为手段建立世界帝国的主要线索。从该角度而言,建国初期的报刊杂志浓缩了美国的扩张史,为我们了解美国早期扩张思想创造了又一契机。     

The return of the Indo-Pacific strategy: an assessment

ABSTRACT

Eleven years after it was abandoned, the so-called Indo-Pacific concept is back with a vengeance in regional security debates. At the 2017 Shangri-la Dialogue, there were only five mentions of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ at the annual defence ministerial forum. In the following year, the figure had jumped to 92. The Indo-Pacific Four countries promoting the ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) concept share many principles, including freedom of navigation and overflight, connectivity and economic growth, and respect for the rule of law. There are, however, clear points of divergence between them, such that there are actually different Indo-Pacific strategies among the Indo-Pacific Four. Even if the Indo-Pacific Four manage to resolve these issues (and the possibility of this is low), it is not likely that ASEAN would endorse the FOIP concept. The reality remains that Indonesia and ASEAN have taken a different approach to the Indo-Pacific. The ASEAN approach is to appropriate elements of FOIP strategy which are more attractive to ASEAN (for example, connectivity and infrastructure), yet reject elements of FOIP strategy which ASEAN deems inappropriate (the exclusion of China and the loss of ASEAN centrality). This does not augur well for the adoption, in its entirety, of the FOIP concept by ASEAN.     

土耳其海峡与1907年英俄协约

章分析了土耳其海峡问题与英俄中亚争端谈判及1907年英俄协约最终得以签订之间的内在关系。由于英国政府将解决海峡问题排除在协约之外,仅对俄国作出口头承诺,俄国也不遵守协约中关于波斯势力范围的划分。两国虽签订协约,关系依然十分紧张,这种状况一直持续到第一次世界大战。     

The nuclear nation and the German question: an American reactor in West Berlin

This essay analyses the relationship between nuclear technology and ideas about the nation in the late 1950s by looking at the US–West German bilateral agreement and at American proposals to develop reactors in West Berlin, both of which emerged from Eisenhower's 1953 Atoms for Peace programme. American efforts to maintain tight control over the German nuclear sphere contradicted the claim that reactors were solely instruments of peace. At the same time, plans to build a reactor in West Berlin underscored that city's status as an occupied city with an uncertain future and with ill-defined relationships to East and West Germany.