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周厚琴 《史学理论研究》2020,(2):125-138,160
苏联解体后,俄罗斯学界开始反思20世纪初的革命,在深化对17世纪初大动乱研究的基础上,形成一种以“动乱”取代“革命”的话语,采用多学科综合研究的方法,构建以“动乱—帝国”为模型的俄国国家系统性危机理论体系的动乱学研究范式。该范式强调,17世纪初、20世纪初和20世纪末发生的历史事件是俄国国家制度的三次系统性危机(即动乱),前两次危机都以建立帝国而结束,俄国历史在“动乱—帝国”的周期性节律中循环。动乱学的提出,是21世纪“俄罗斯学”和“帝国学”研究热潮下的产物,也是一部分俄国学者对当前俄罗斯向何处去的一种回答。但作为建构一门新学科的尝试,其学科体系尚待进一步深化。  相似文献   

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Richard Rorty was one of the most committed and respected critics of the distinction between philosophy and literature. He urged philosophers to adapt an ironist stance, characterized by a double commitment to historicism and nominalism, thereby simultaneously abandoning their inveterate representationalism as well as their predilection for hypostasizing abstract concepts. The ensuing return to the individual and contingent was also supposed to facilitate the absorption of philosophy into the realm of literature proper. This brief essay focuses on some aspects of the relationship between philosophy, literature, and history, highlighting thereby the role that theorizing of an abstract kind plays in the construction of fictional worlds—marking out a territory within the crafting of literature itself that draws on the non-nominalist mode of discourse usually favored by philosophers.  相似文献   

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One of the chief cultural dynamics in the contemporary United States is the omnipresent commodity fetishism that drives its consumer society, so it comes as little surprise that this figures prominently in the attempts of much contemporary U.S. Latina/o fiction to come to terms with the social milieu of the late twentieth- and early twenty-first-century United States. This essay argues that Helena Maria Viramontes’s Miss Clairol, Sandra Cisneros’s Barbie-Q, and Junot Diaz’s The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao each manifest a deep-seated ambivalence towards commodity fetishism: an awareness of how the agency to break with traditionalist modes of being and some measure of cultural assimilation might be achieved through engagement with fetishized attributes commodities place on offer, yet one that is tempered by an appreciation of the dangers such as alienation and cultural homogenization that also proceed from immersion in a world defined by commodity fetishized relations.  相似文献   

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One of the enduring tensions in Russian political culture is that between order and liberty. Indeed, many fear that when faced with the inevitable cacophony of democratic politics, most Russians demand the restoration of order, and by a 'strong hand' if need be. This lack of commitment to democracy among ordinary people is often seen as a major impediment to the consolidation of the democratic transformation in Russia. The purpose of this article is to assess empirically the degree to which the desire for social and political order undermines support for democratic liberty. Based on a survey of the Russian mass public conducted in 1996, and employing within the survey an experiment on support for the imposition of martial law in Russia, I discover that Russians are indeed willing to surrender some liberty for the restoration of order. The preference for liberty reflects general democratic attitudes more than it is sensitive to the particular context within which liberty is suspended. Nonetheless, the context of the dispute is important because it serves to stimulate particular attitudes; for instance, the intervention of a court transforms the conflict from a political to a legal dispute, thereby activating attitudes toward the rule of law. In the final analysis, I conclude that if elites maintain ordered political competition, it is likely that the mass public will maintain individual liberty, and democracy in Russia will prosper accordingly.  相似文献   

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Book reviewed in this article:
Laura Engelstein and Stephanie Sandler, (eds.) Self and Story in Russian History  相似文献   

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This article discusses several structural factors in the policy environment of Ecuador thought to determine the process of occupation by agricultural colonists of the country's segment of Amazonia and the emerging land settlement patterns in the region. These factors are fundamentally concerned with (a) national sovereignty interests over remote, peripheral territories characterized by low population density and ill-defined land ownership, (b) the reduction of demographic and social pressures in other regions of the country, and (c) the extension of the agricultural frontier. For economic and geopolitical reasons, the Ecuadorian state is likely to maintain a moderate and rather ineffectual set of incentives supporfted by the current legislation to allow the occupation of the Amazon region. Consequently, as migrants continue to flow into the easily degradable areas of the Amazon, and without increased population carrying capacity outrside the Amazon, some conversion of the rainforest environment of eastern Ecuador to other uses is certain to continue. A more detailed microlevel understanding of the interrelationship among factors influencing land-use decisions by settler farmers is needed to find policy-entry points.  相似文献   

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Located in Ecuador's southern Amazonia, the Condor Mountain Range is the home of the Shuar people, who have been living for the last three decades amid increasing colonization and expanding mineral extraction. In these mined lands, gold is constantly brought into being through chemical manipulations. After state authorities declared the valleys a zone of environmental destruction, these chemical compounds in soils, waters and bodies have been widely documented. The Shuar villagers are concerned with the evident destructive effects of cyanide on aquatic life. However, the invisible hazardous effects of mercury and manganese, the evidence of which can be sensed neither in fish's flesh nor on their bodies, remain unsettled. This article explores how toxic chemicals are made perceptible or imperceptible. Toxicological and biomedical knowledge practices produce (im)perceptibility through chains of associations and disassociations. Such practice intertwines with colonization projects that ignore the importance of fish and fishing to the Shuar.  相似文献   

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As a form of environmental governance, Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES) is imbued with ideological values that can conflict with those of participating rural communities. The discursive frame surrounding PES may be contentious, even if the conservation activities promoted by these initiatives are not. Moving PES into practice therefore requires a process of translation from urban-based practitioners to rural communities. Drawing upon an empirical case study of FONAG, a water fund from Ecuador that is often promoted as the ideal type, this article employs data from participant observation, key informant interviews and textual materials to examine this process of translation. The article focuses particularly on the efforts to negotiate the discourse of PES that move the projects into on-the-ground practice. While Ecuador's political context has softened the emphasis on economically valuing ecosystem services, FONAG uses neoliberal conservation narratives that identify rural poverty as the main cause of environmental degradation and target the reform of local people through economic incentives. To enrol communities, however, intermediaries are needed to translate water fund PES to appeal to local perspectives, values and institutions. The author argues that contrasting narratives of PES can exist simultaneously between the entities that are implementing PES and the targets of that implementation.  相似文献   

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This article uses a governmentality analytic to understand the efforts of indigenous leaders from the Ecuadorian Amazon to shape their organizations’ members over the past four decades, particularly efforts to promote collective engagement in market‐oriented activities. A close examination of one organization's history reveals that leaders’ subjectivity‐shaping efforts have been strongly influenced by collaborations with the state, NGOs and others. They have also been shaped by historical understandings of status and leadership. However, collaborative economic projects are also used by leaders as a tool for producing new kinds of indigenous citizens, ones that are actively engaged with larger communities of indigenous people beyond their kinship groups. Leaders see these new senses of citizenship as empowering, and as a critical precursor to planning land use and livelihoods. Thus, indigenous leaders are not simply conduits for the subjectivity‐shaping projects of the state and international development groups; nor are they simply acting in their own interest. Rather, they constitute and regulate new types of citizens to ensure the future viability of their organizations and political projects.  相似文献   

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俄国历史上的神秘主义   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
赵士国 《世界历史》2002,3(3):63-73
所谓神秘主义就是那些不从科学考察和严密的逻辑推理,而是从不可言传的神秘途径得出结论的信仰或思想。它主张人同神或超自然的力量在精神上直接交往,以便从中领悟世界各种事物的奥秘,解决现实世界的难题。在十月革命前的俄国,神秘主义大行其道,已深深地渗入俄国的传统化中。不过,它不是俄国传统化中的精华,而是糟粕,是阻碍俄国社会进步的惰性力量。  相似文献   

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Brecht has said that ‘the task of science is to lighten the laboriousness of human existence’ and some examples are given of the way chemistry has contributed to this task. Yet great challenges remain – atomic war and the population explosion – and it is essential to achieve a just and informed balance between benefits and risks. Uninformed criticism of chemistry in the media is roundly condemned, and tribute is paid to antipollution measures taken by the chemical industry. The common language which unites scientists from all nations must be used to further peace and understanding in the world.  相似文献   

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