共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 78 毫秒
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2009年8月19~25日,"中国·雅安熊猫·动物与自然电影周"在四川省雅安市举行,在雅安大熊猫谱系中,我们惊讶地发现,1957年5月18日,大熊猫"平平"作为友好使者送给原苏联莫斯科动物园,从那时起到1982年,国家先后从"中国大熊猫第一县"宝兴县调走野生大熊猫130多只,其中18只作为"国礼"赠送原苏联、西德和朝鲜、美国、日本、法国、墨西哥、英国八个国家。 相似文献
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大熊猫栖息地区一直在寻求保护生态环境和发展区域经济相协调的道路,文化创意产业作为一种新型产业,其发展速度超过传统的工业、农业,并且在优化区域产业结构上有着重大的作用。大熊猫栖息地区孕育了丰富多彩的大熊猫文化,四川大熊猫栖息地成为世界自然遗产,为四川省发展大熊猫文化创意产业提供了难得的契机。立足大熊猫文化内涵,从文化创意产业发展可行性分析,本文提出"创建大熊猫文化创意产业集聚区,构建大熊猫文化旅游园区,进一步开发大熊猫形象手工艺品"的设想,为发展四川省大熊猫文化创意产业及缓解大熊猫栖息地区保护和发展的矛盾提供参考。 相似文献
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《华夏地理》2006,(7):89-93
对熊猫栖息地的投入
根据世界自然基金会的汤姆·狄龙的说法,中国人是世上最大的熊猫迷.但只有爱心是远远不够的,熊猫还需要不受破坏的生活环境,使种群数量维持稳定的水平.狄龙说,世界自然基金会对熊猫的保护工作已进行了25年,并取得一些进展.中国政府已经采取措施禁止砍伐原始森林,并启动耗资百亿美元的再造森林计划,同时还宣布在30年的时间里,每年投入10亿美元扩展保护区面积.美国动物园向中国捐赠的数百万美元已产生积极的成效,但对熊猫保育所需开支来说,只是杯水车薪,中国的西部大开发有望使中国最贫困的地区经济腾飞,但大兴土木、发展工业和旅游业也可能对野大熊猫主要的栖息地造成破坏. 相似文献
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成都市即将启动立法程序制定全球首部专门为大熊猫"量身定做"的法律——《成都市大熊猫保护管理条例》。据透露",恶搞"有可能被列为禁止行为。这部法律的出台,得益于先锋艺术家赵半狄的一场熊猫时装秀,这场时装秀让贪官、小姐、乞丐、二奶各种社会角色全都穿上熊猫装。熊猫能否"恶搞",就相关问题,本刊专访了出生在成都的足球评论员李承鹏。 相似文献
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本文以世界三大农作物起源地为核心,提出粟、黍、水稻等农作物的驯化是中国为世界文明进程作出的最大贡献。还重点讨论了农作物起源地的环境属性,并指出农业最初产生之地并非自然环境最优之处。自然环境的不利是迫使人们放弃采集渔猎、选择通过生产获得食物的原因;而自然条件良好的欧洲平原地带,正是由于动植物资源的充裕而长期处于野蛮状态,滞缓了文明发展的进程。因此,从地理的视角,审度人类的文明进程,起步之处却是环境脆弱地带。 相似文献
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这一天等了二十多年
2008年12月23日,满载着大陆人民深情的“熊猫专机”从成都飞抵台北。万众瞩目的两只“国宝”——“团团”、圆圆”,走进台北木栅动物园。这一天,距1987年1月全国台联二届三次理事会上刘彩品等理事提出向台湾同胞赠送一对大熊猫的动议,已经超过20年。 相似文献
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Guy Halsall 《Early Medieval Europe》1999,8(1):131-145
Books received for review:
The Lombards . By Neil Christie.
The Goths . By Peter Heather.
The End of Roman Britain . By Michael E. Jones.
The Huns . By Edward A. Thompson (revised by P. Heather). 相似文献
The Lombards . By Neil Christie.
The Goths . By Peter Heather.
The End of Roman Britain . By Michael E. Jones.
The Huns . By Edward A. Thompson (revised by P. Heather). 相似文献
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John Krige 《Cold War History》2015,15(3):341-352
The IAEA was saddled with one burden at its inception, a burden that dogged it for many years afterwards. It was that Euratom, which had formally come into being in 1958, was authorised to implement its own safeguards, i.e. it was accorded the right of ‘self-inspection’. The first US director of the IAEA, Sterling Cole, fought a bitter battle to have this overturned, insisting that it undermined the core mission of the Agency and that it set an impossible precedent, and would trigger demands for a ‘Latinatom’ etc. This paper describes the circumstances that led the State Department to grant Euratom this privilege (a policy choice that is indicative of the deep investment that both J.F. Dulles and Eisenhower made in supranationality) and discusses the steps that Cole took to overturn it, to no avail. 相似文献
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The 1956 Suez Crisis has attracted enormous attention and been widely seen as marking a sea change in Britain's position in the Middle East and within the Anglo-American special relationship. Yet in September 1951 the Attlee government had already signalled waning British power in pulling back from major unilateral military action to defend Britain's single most important overseas asset: the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and its huge operations in Iran. What this crisis revealed of British aspirations in the Middle East and within the special relationship has not received the attention it deserves. This article examines the Attlee government's decision to ‘scuttle’ from Abadan in September 1951. It first places the decision in the context of Anglo-American relations and great cumulative pressure in favour of British military action. It then weighs various considerations claimed in the extant literature to explain the British decision. In doing so it disagrees with suggestions that British military intervention was precluded by an understanding between Truman and Attlee that such action was acceptable only in a narrow range of circumstances for fear of retaliatory Soviet intervention in Iran. It also argues that accounts that correctly emphasise US opposition to the use of force as the key restraint on the Attlee government could and should have gone further. Specifically, it needs to be better appreciated just how the Truman administration actively undermined potential British recourse to military intervention, infused other potential constraints with extra weight and helped delay a Cabinet decision until a point when armed intervention was least likely to achieve British ends. 相似文献
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