首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 78 毫秒
1.
李秉奎 《当代中国史研究》2012,(4):70-78,126,127
人民公社时期,农村青年的婚姻观念及行为发生着或隐或显的变化,这是认识国家、集体、家庭对该群体产生影响的重要途径。"媒人包办"受到批判、"介绍式婚姻"增多,预示着农村青年婚姻决定权的提升。然而,政治身份、城乡差距、职业声望等,仍对农村青年的择偶行为产生决定性影响。进入人民公社中后期,财物从彩礼到嫁妆、最后流向新婚小家庭,折射出农村青年"个人意识"的增强。  相似文献   

2.
随着城市化进程的加深,原有"农村—城市"的二元城市化发展格局被打破,"农村—小镇—一二线城市"的三元发展格局形成。"小镇"并不是行政区划上"镇"这一级别,而是介于农村与一二线大城市间的中间层次。小镇青年正是这一进程中的重要特色群体。本文关注小镇青年中的流入型小镇青年,他们在从农村流向小镇的过程中,脸面消费行为发生了明显的改变。这种改变不仅是生活地域的变更,更是一场身份的变更。因此,本文结合消费认同理论和布尔迪厄关于场和投资意识的理论,以脸面消费为探测点,分析了流入型小镇青年脸面消费背后的身份认同逻辑,认为流入型小镇青年的脸面消费行为是一种符号利益驱动的投资行为,更是他们确立身份的一种符号活动。  相似文献   

3.
正青年是社会最活跃的力量,也是社会发展的"晴雨表"。新中国成立70年来,在共产党的领导下,青年伴随时代的变迁而发展变化,形成了多样化、有特色的"青年群体",不同时代有代表性的青年群体有青年突击队、学雷锋青年、上山下乡知青、万元户青年、特区青年、  相似文献   

4.
赵桑榆 《风景名胜》2020,(2):0111-0112
文章利用中国综合社会调查(CGSS)2015 年的调查数据,基于农村流动人口的内部分层和地位认同偏移形成机制的理论成果,对农村流动人口这一处于社会底层的移民群体进行地位认同偏移状况分析,结果显示,我国农村流动人口地位认同呈现出整体趋中、向上偏移的特征,农村流动人口内部分化,处于社会底层的人口仍然占绝大部分,其中,中下层更倾向于向上偏移,中上层更倾向于向下偏移。  相似文献   

5.
随着经济社会的转型,许多青年农民为了生计外出务工,农村出现了一个留守老人群体,由于社会保障制度不健全等多种原因,他们面临着收入来源不足、生活照料缺乏、精神生活乏味等诸多困境,有被边缘化的危险。该问题的日益严重造成了一系列政治社会后果,已直接影响到我国农村社会稳定和经济发展,并瓦解着乡村治理的社会基础,亟需引起社会各界的关注。  相似文献   

6.
朱敏兰  王全德 《攀登》2014,33(4):124-128
本研究采用自制《少数民族青年文化习性量表》对生活在青海省的560名藏族青年和341名蒙古族青年的文化习性进行了对比检验,结果显示藏族青年与蒙古族青年的文化习性无论大、中学生还是男、女群体,在"主流文化态度"以及"宗教信仰"维度均检验出特别显著的差异,在"风俗习惯认同"及"民族语言认同"维度不存在差异。研究藏族及蒙古族青年的文化习性群体差异,对于探寻民族教育中文化认同及文化适应力培养,具有一定的理论及实践意义。  相似文献   

7.
席富群 《史学月刊》2003,(12):62-66
建国初期,随着农村经济在土地改革基础上的迅速恢复和发展,农村社会很快发生了分化。中国共产党对此问题最初是认同的,但由于对“共同富裕”的片面理解等原因,很快就主张限制和消灭分化。从社会学的角度来看,社会发展过程中产生适度的、积极的分化能促进经济的发展。当年的中国共产党人匆忙地消灭分化,对农村经济的发展和农村社会的进步产生了不利的影响。  相似文献   

8.
孟红 《文史月刊》2010,(2):56-58
上世纪六七十年代、我国农村经济最困难的时期,邢燕子放弃城市生活的优越条件,来到艰苦的农村,奉献青春,成长为“发奋图强、扎根农村、大办农业”的青年典型。她的事迹在全国青年学生中引起强烈反响,深深地影响了一代人。  相似文献   

9.
正农村青年的爱国主义情怀普遍比较强烈。一些国外机构的调查也证实,相对于城市青年,农村青年更具爱国主义情绪。有舆论将这种情绪往民族主义上靠。如何认识这一现象?笔者认为,农村青年的爱国主义情怀是朴素的。一些国外媒体和国内部分知识精英将"民族主义"与农村青年联系起来,并贴上不理性的标签,极不合适。农村青年的爱国主义更多基于对国家的忠诚,极少功利性。他们的日常生活无需处理因族群差异、国际关系冲突等原因带来的人际关系困扰,也不可能因为"爱国"而获得额外好处。在这个意义上,他们的爱国主义  相似文献   

10.
来信     
在犬儒和浮躁中挣脱而出在当下的中国,要寻觅出众望所归的青年领袖难度很大。任何时代都需要青年领袖,尤其是告别权威、走向多元的今天。缺乏时代坐标的青年领袖,很难获得最基本的群体认同。六七十年代生人是旧世代和新世代的连接体。《南方人物周刊》承认他们的缺陷:知识精英群体的缺席,工商业青年精英的崛起,当然还包括在快  相似文献   

11.
也谈建国初期私营传媒消亡的原因   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
从1949年到1952年底,我国新闻业初步完成了转型,形成了集中统一的宏观体系格局,为社会主义建设的全面展开做好了准备。在这一新体系建立的同时,私营传媒迅速消亡,但经营不善并不是私营传媒消亡的主要原因,私营传媒的消亡是由其所有制性质、活动特征以及意识形态属性决定的,是上层建筑适应经济基础的表现。此外,党和国家集中统一的新闻业体系的迅速建立也使私营传媒失去了存在的价值和空间。  相似文献   

12.
Naval heritage is of global significance, enhanced by its association with waterfront revitalisation, its established literary/institutional framework and its postcolonial connotations. This paper reviews its background and its significance for the worldwide chain of (ex‐)naval bases which formerly bound the British Empire, with particular reference to its use for heritage tourism in Bermuda, Malta and Gibraltar and possible wider potential for this. Australian naval heritage is considered in this context and in its subsequent postcolonial evolution; Australian geographers are prompted to give their more informed consideration to its significance, not least for national identity.  相似文献   

13.
LEI YU 《International affairs》2015,91(5):1047-1068
China has over the last two decades been committed to creating a strategic partnership with Latin American states by persistently extending its economic and political involvement in the continent. China's efforts in this regard reflect not only its desire to intensify its economic cooperation and political relations with nations in Latin America, but also its strategic goals of creating its own sphere of influence in the region and enhancing its ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ power in order to elevate China's status at the systemic level. With access to Latin American markets, resources and investment destinations, China may sustain its economic and social progress that bases its long cherished dream of restoring its past glory of fuqiang (wealth and power) and rise as a global power capable of reshaping the current world system. The enormous economic benefits deriving from their economic cooperation and trade may persuade Latin American nations to accept the basic premise of China's economic strategy: that China's rise is not a threat, but an opportunity to gain wealth and prosperity. This will help China gain more ‘soft’ power in and leverage over its economic partners in Latin America, and thereby help it to rise in the global power hierarchy.  相似文献   

14.
Notes and News     
Abstract

This paper seeks to cast some light on a so-called Green Man ivory knife handle from Perth and on the cultural context from which it sprang. It was made and lost or disposed of during the 14th century and, although its full life-story includes its archaeological recovery and subsequent curation in Perth Museum, its main importance lies in what it can tell us of medieval people. Exploring its material and production, its function as a handle, its iconography and its cultural background reveals this importance. Bringing these strands together gives us a snapshot of medieval cognition, focusing, on the way elements of seasonal ritual were consumed in the medieval burgh of Perth.  相似文献   

15.
韦金兰 《攀登》2011,30(5):102-104
青海冬虫夏草生长于高寒高海拔区,其独特的药用和营养价值深受国内外消费者的青睐,需求量不断增加,价格一路攀升,随之在冬虫夏草资源开发利用和管理中出现了一些不容忽视的问题。加强冬虫夏草资源管理,对于保护草原生态,全面实现冬虫夏草资源持续开发利用,有效提高虫草产区社会经济协调发展和增加农牧民收入具有重要意义。  相似文献   

16.
Abstract: WikiLeaks is a controversial organisation that attracts polarised responses. This is not unexpected given its key objective of exposing the secrets and social control ambitions of the powerful. While its supporters laud its pursuit of an informational commons, its detractors condemn its antisocial character, its megalomania—and its anarchism. It is the latter that particularly interests us here. This paper treats the “charge” of anarchism seriously, however, giving it the analytical attention it warrants. It does this by first identifying those characteristics of the organisation that would render it anarchist, and then to conceptualise what this anarchism means. It highlights two important elements of the WikiLeaks story: the anarchical character of the technologies it utilises to foment its dissent; and the anarchical ethos of the organisation's radical politics. We conclude by also considering the tensions and contradictions in WikiLeaks that temper both its anarchism and its social change objectives.  相似文献   

17.
Azadeh Akbari 《对极》2020,52(2):408-429
This research starts its journey from a video that failed to be published during the 2009 uprising in Iran. By following data outside the common trajectories of data circulation in the global North, this paper offers new geographical and data imaginations neglected by the universalised understandings of data and its political economy. Consequently, data’s behaviour as a thing is thoroughly investigated in the “follow the thing tradition” by scrutinising data as a commodity, its meanings and its associations. Using actor-network-theory, the paper highlights data’s open and contested character as well as the breakdowns throughout its journey. Following an uncirculated video via its traces sheds light on data’s agency in evoking different assemblages and spatialities. It also reflects on the epistemological importance of not treating the Southern data as exceptional and calls for a theoretical landscape that does not leave many realities of data out in its homogenised universal narrative.  相似文献   

18.
20世纪40年代以来土耳其奉行亲西方,尤其是亲美的一边倒外交政策,土耳其中东外交服务于其西方战略,长期以中立和不介入为主要特征。20世纪90年代世界政治格局的变化使得土耳其必须重新调整其中东外交政策,海湾战争为土耳其重新实践其外交政策提供了机遇,土耳其在中东开始采取积极、主动的新型外交政策。海湾战争成为土耳其中东外交的分水岭。海湾战争中,土耳其积极介入中东事务的政策与土耳其亲西方的外交政策恰好吻合;伊拉克战争则表明土耳其中东外交与其亲西方外交之间的不协调性。  相似文献   

19.
Despite having been regarded by many as increasingly anachronistic, the Commonwealth continues to be seen as valuable both by its existing members and by those who wish to join it. Given the historical circumstances of its beginning and the informal nature of its operations, it is both necessary and difficult to establish criteria for admitting new members. This article examines how the Commonwealth can manage its enduring appeal, and the prospects for fulfilment of its declared support for the protection of fundamental political values in the face of its commitment to state sovereignty.  相似文献   

20.
As the Chinese energy deficit increases at rates equal to or exceeding its economic growth, energy security raises an alarm among its policy-makers and the international community. This article asks whether China faces any threat to its energy security; and whether China's worldwide quest for energy is a threat to the regional and international stability. The main argument is that while China faces serious challenges in meeting its rising energy demand, its efforts to do so have been primarily domestically focused. In its foreign energy policy, China has behaved like a normal player in the international energy market, buying as much oil as it can and investing in as many places as it can afford. It is unlikely that the country is willing to seek overseas energy supplies at the expense of a peaceful regional and international environment which is a necessary condition for its continuing economic development.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号