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1.
宋代著录金文校释   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
由于学习之便,本人对宋人著录的商周青铜器铭文有一定的接触,并对这些青铜器铭文作过校勘和若干考证,成《宋代著录金文校释》一编,其中一些学习心得,记之于下,希望能够得到批评指正。 一、关于宋人著录金文的总数 宋人著录的有铭文先秦青铜器,近人做过不少工作,王国维先生在1914年就编制了《宋代金文著录表》,1928年容庚先生又在王表的基础上加以修订,重编了《宋代金文著录表》,近来张亚初先生又在前二表的基础上剔去秦汉铜器铭文,又编制了《宋代所见金文著录表》。该表收宋人著录有铭文器目共589,是在《集古录跋尾》、《考古图》、《金石录》、《博古图录》、《東观余论》、《广州书跋》、《啸堂集古录》、《历代钟鼎彝器款识法帖》、《续  相似文献   

2.
近读中国社会科学院考古研究所编《殷周金文集成》(以下简称《集成》),发现西周金文中的“眉敖”就是我国古代西南少数民族中的“微”,曾参加周武王领导的牧野之战,是著名的“牧誓八国”之一。  相似文献   

3.
孙慰祖、徐谷甫两位先生编著的《秦汉金文汇编》是继容庚先生《秦汉金文录》、《金文续 编》之后的又一部专门收录秦汉铜器铭文与文字的专书。该书所收铭文的释文中存在不少问题。本 文对其中的部分问题进行了订补。这些问题包括误释者23则,缺释、漏释者10则,衍文者3则,释文 不一致者3则,其他问题5则。  相似文献   

4.
郾王职剑跋     
此剑著录于于思泊先生《商周金文录遗》,编号五九五。铭文曰:“郾王职乍(作)武业(?)(?)鐱(剑)。”凡八字。铭文字数,孙稚雏《金文著录简目》和容庚《金文编》“器目”中均以为有十字。按谛审铭文拓本,末二字形与前八字风格迥异,字体纤细无力,且不能成字,当非原物本有,而显系后人作伪补刻。况前八字意已尽,可与同名之他剑铭类比。若如再有二字,纯属画蛇添足耳。铭中“武业”后一字,旧不识。一九八五年版《金文编》归于附录下一二六四页,  相似文献   

5.
此器著录于一九八五年版《金文编》书末“金文编采用彝器目录”中的杂器类,系一九八三年在湖北省谷城县禹山庙咀出土。铭文凡二行六字,曰:“(中阝)子  相似文献   

6.
近读中国社会科学院考古研究所编《殷周金文集成》(以下简称《集成》),发现西周金文中的“眉敖”就是我国古代西南少数民族中的“微”,曾参加周武王领导的牧野之战,是著名的“牧誓八国”之一。西周青铜器《归芻簋》铭文云:唯五九月甲寅,王命益公征眉敖。益公至,  相似文献   

7.
释商代金文里的“南门”合文   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
释商代金文里的“南门”合文施谢捷商代金文里有一徽号文字作[1],见于《父丙鼎》①。新版《金文编》把它作为不识字处理,归在附录上②;李孝定谓此字“从门,上不成文,当为门之象形”,释为“门”③;最近王慎行认为此字“下从门”,上部象亭楼之形,此乃城门上建...  相似文献   

8.
释亳   总被引:4,自引:2,他引:2  
《说文·高部》云:“亳,京兆杜陵亭也。从高省·乇声。”此释不确,乇音宅、音磔,与亳声相去甚远,亳字不当从乇得声明显可见。今按亳字在三期以前的卜辞中多写作(?),三期以后特别是在五期卜辞中皆写作(?),可知拿就是亳字的初文。初文(?)字当从高省、(?)声,(?)字甲骨、金文或写作(?)(见《甲骨文编》、《金文编》卷十三),实即丰字之本字。五期卜辞云:“在(?)师贞”(《摭续》一七五),于省吾先生释此字为(?),晚周陶文“蒦阳南里人(?)”之(?)又写作(?)是其证。《说文·生部》云:“(?),草  相似文献   

9.
《文物》1972年2期《湖北京山发现曾国铜器》一文中报道出土的一件铜鬲,铭文“佳黄□□用吉金乍(?)”。原文(?)作隶作鬲,然细审(?)字与鬲字不合,应隶为缶。乃宝字之省。《说文》:“宝,珍也,从它玉贝,缶声。”金文中宝字缶即作(?),如康侯鼎、服尊、效父毁、师(?)(皀殳)等。容庚《金文编》陶字云:“(?)父盉假(?)为宝”。郭沫若《两周金文辞大系图录  相似文献   

10.
<正>霍彦儒和辛怡华主编的《商周金文编--宝鸡出土青铜器铭文集成》在2009年12月由三秦出版社出版,已经引起了学界的关注。本书为16开本,共657页,汇集了宝鸡地区2008  相似文献   

11.
《外交史》1994,18(4):627-634
In their welcome article, "History Declassified," Zachary Karabell and Timothy Naftali offer valuable insights and advice for researchers first approaching the new intelligence documentation that the CIA has begun to declassify. From their experience with CIA records already available on the 1954 Guatemalan coup, the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the 1979 Iranian crisis, the authors appraise the "perils and promise" of the CIA's emerging new body of documentation. While it is not my purpose to quarrel with their judgments and opinions, I think that I can add some information that the article overlooks and clarify several misunderstandings about how the CIA's Historical Review Program actually works.  相似文献   

12.
改革开放以来,我国某些社会阶层的消费行为呈现出符号化、时尚性、讲究身份象征等倾向,即所谓“符号性消费”。本文从“雅虎中国”网的一项调查入手,通过云南元阳梯田案例,证明这一现象在旅游消费行为中也客观存在。某些旅游者认为,旅游是一种时尚追求,选择到哪里旅游、怎样旅游,都能体现出人们对自己社会角色扮演的定位和评价,以及对自己地位区隔的认可和接受。这种“符号性消费”行为对旅游地的社会建构意义应该引起关注。  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

This article examines some dilemmas I experienced while doing research on fashionable veiling in Amman, Jordan. My fieldwork experience and the knowledge I co-produced with the participants were shaped by each layer of my identity as a Jordanian, Muslim, non-veiled woman, with a particular classed, spatialized Ammani heritage and affiliation with western feminist academia. The article engages with the implications my positionality had on my insider-outsider status and the knowledge the participants and I co-produced. I argue that the research setting, while fraught with difference, constituted a site for transnational solidarity and knowledge production. The participants and I had divergent understandings of, and aspirations for, Jordanian Muslim femininity shaped by our varying positions within the Global North-Global South. I argue that we practiced solidarity by collaborating and co-constructing a transnational site to unpack and defend their viability. I found that our collaboration was not fuelled by a shared sense of injustice and did not produce a shared outlook on Islam, Jordanianness or femininity. Rather, it created a site where we were able to emphasize our divergent sense of these paradigms as women positioned differently within the trans/national, cultural, and religious spaces we shared.  相似文献   

14.
在民俗学研究中国化的早期阶段,江绍原是最先引进国外人类学方法系统研究中国礼俗迷信的拓荒者,他对中国人“天癸观”的研究特别引人注目。当时处于民俗学运动中心的江绍原在成为《语丝》周刊主要撰稿人之后,开始扩大范围征集有关月经的礼俗迷信材料,取得了一定的成绩。尽管后来他计划写作的《血与天癸》不幸夭折,但他在月经礼俗迷信研究方面的大胆尝试具有深远的学术影响。  相似文献   

15.
《学刊》总第九十期《叠山公祠堂记》点校多误。提出订正意见.以便读作为资料使用。  相似文献   

16.
《俘虏记》是日本战后文学中具有广泛影响的反映日本侵略战争的作品之一。小说中,作家以主人公“我”没有向美国士兵开枪为主要情节,说明作为侵略士兵的“我”是“善良的”和“有人性的”。这显然是在为日本士兵的侵略罪行辩解。通读作品,我们会发现,主人公“我”之所以没有开枪,是因为想不被追击的美军发现,保全自己的生命。显然,作家在这里偷换了概念,其用心是为了掩盖日本侵略军的野蛮行径。因此,对这篇小说的错误战争认知理念。我们应当以批判的态度来分析。  相似文献   

17.
对唐代道的研究,代不乏人,但多囿于旧说,鲜有突破。本文引用新史料,并对旧史料加以比勘考证,在继承前人研究成果的基础上,对唐代道的演化提出了如下新观点:唐高宗永徽年间,已有十三道的区划;武则天当政时期,回复十道旧观;开元十七年(729年),正式形成十五部的规模;开元天宝之际,实有十六部;终唐之世,几乎没有"十五道"的说法,而是一直沿用"十道"通称。  相似文献   

18.
随着全球化时代的到来,汉籍古典名著的今注今译工作,越来越受到学术界的重视。就《三国志》而言,近二十年以来,中文及外文译本已多达十来种。然而有些译注者疏于校释,以至时有错谬。日本学者今鹰真等三人的《正史三国志》。(含裴注)日译本,有些地方还胜过了中文今译本。本文对日译本与中文今译本的译文进行了初步比对,从语言解释、底本校勘等角度列举了二者的得失,藉以说明进行汉籍今译工作时中日学术交流的重要性。  相似文献   

19.
Ankersmit's articulation of a postmodern theory of history takes seriously both the strengths of traditional historicism and the right of historians to decide what makes sense for disciplinary practice. That makes him an exemplary interlocutor. Ankersmit proposes a theory of historical "representation" which radicalizes the narrative approach to historiography along the lines of poststructuralist textualism. Against this postmodernism but invoking some of his own arguments, I defend the traditional historicist position. I formulate criticisms of the theory of reference entailed in his notion of "narrative substance," of his master analogy of historiography with modern painting, and finally of his characterization of historical hermeneutics. In each case I find him guilty of the hyperbole which he himself cautions against. While it is true that historical narratives cannot be taken to be transparent, in taking them to be opaque Ankersmit puts himself in an untenable position. Finally, Ankersmit seeks to buttress his theoretical case by an interpretation of the new cultural historical texts of authors like Davis and Ginzburg. While this is a concreteness heartily to be welcomed in philosophers of history, I cannot find his construction of this new school's work plausible.  相似文献   

20.
Everywhere the 1990s have been characterized by an odd mixture of ideological triumphalism—Fukuyama's “end of history” being only the crassest example—and of ideological uncertainty—can there be, should there be, a “third way”? For all its pretensions to universality, the “New World Order” has never lost a fragility in appearance. Students of historiography can scarcely be surprised to learn that an uneasiness over the present and future has in turn frequently entailed uncertainty about the past and particularly about those parts of the past which had seemed most able to give clear and significant “lessons.” One evident example is the history of what in my Explaining Auschwitz and Hiroshima (1993) I called the “long” Second World War, that is, that crisis in confidence in the relationship between political and economic liberalism and the nation-state which, by the end of 1938, had left only Britain, France, the Low Countries, and Scandinavia as in any sense preserving those “liberal” freedoms which had spread across Europe since 1789. In this article, I briefly review the most recent difficulties World War II combatant societies have had in locating a usable past in the history of those times. However, my major focus is on the specific case of Italy, very much a border state in the Cold War system, and today the political home of an “Olive Tree” and a “Liberty Pole” whose historical antecedents and whose philosophical base for the future are less than limpid. 1990s Italian historians thus give very mixed messages about the Fascist past; these are the messages I describe and decode.  相似文献   

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