从假日旅游现象谈鼓浪屿旅游的可持续发展

假日旅游的火热为鼓浪屿带来了经济效益,也带来了环境的破坏以及名气的损伤。可通过加快开发厦门新的旅游资源、"黄金周"鼓浪屿岛上游浮动票价、开发鼓浪屿岛上旅游新线路又及开发鼓浪屿岛夜游项目等手段对鼓浪屿游客进行分流,为鼓浪屿旅游的可持续发展提出了一些对策。     

上海假日旅游市场分析

上海具有发展国内旅游、假日旅游得天独厚的优势,要进一步促进上海国内旅游,假日旅游的发展,关键在于培育一个有序竞争的国内旅游市场、假日旅游市场。旅游企业要积极开拓市场,向科学管理要效益,以求共同发展。     

分析苏州假日旅游发展现状

中国物质生活水平的迅速提高导致国民生活节奏日趋加快,促使人们的消费向节假日消费时段集中。黄金周旅游引发了我国前所未有的假日旅游热潮,推动了第三产业的整体发展。然而,也出现了交通拥挤、旅游公共服务质量降低等问题。本文以苏州假日旅游为切入点,分析了苏州假日旅游的现状及出现的问题,并提出相应对策。     

浅析我国假日旅游存在的问题及其对策

本通过阐述假日旅游产生的原因,着重分析了假日旅游存在的问题,并提出解决的措施,以促进我国假日旅游的可持续发展。     

近年来中国旅游开发与管理态势研究

本文对处于产业结构剧烈转型时期的中国旅游业的发展态势进行了较深入的阐述,这一观察主要从旅游区(点)和旅游资源的开发与管理这一特定角度切入,重点从假日峰值压力、旅游目的地营销、旅游规划、旅游产品创新、旅游支持系统等几个方面加以讨论。     

可持续发展视角下的假日旅游经济浅析

当前,作为朝阳产业的假日旅游经济在国民生产总值中所占比重越来越大,其对于旅游地经济的发展,形象的提升等都具有着举足轻重的作用。本文从假日旅游经济的产生入手,深入分析并指出了假日旅游高峰期来临时所引起的环境、交通、住宿和服务等诸多方面的问题,在此基础上从旅游模式的转变、旅游市场信息网络的健全、旅游产品的合理开发及旅游者自身素养的提高等方面提出了具体可行的可持续发展战略措施。     

我国黄金周假日旅游存在的问题及对策分析——以2012年国庆黄金周为例

黄金周假日旅游已经成为我国旅游事业的重要组成部分,并在扩大内需、促进经济发展等方面发挥了积极的作用,但同时也存在诸多问题,引发了旅游学界对其研究和探讨。2012年,中秋和国庆合并放假,形成了8天小长假,加之首次全国高速公路对7座以下小客车实行免费通行政策,致使高速公路和旅游景区遭受了极大挑战。本文着重分析了2012年国庆黄金周假日旅游存在的主要问题及隐患,并从加强政府应对、提高旅游景区预警制度、改革休假制度等方面提出了建议,希望能对黄金周假日旅游的健康发展提供有益的借鉴。     

旅游环境容量调控系统的探讨

无序、失控的假日旅游客流对旅游业永续发展构成了深度危害。本初步探讨了旅游环境容量调控系统的构成、功能及其调控途径与手段。     

旅游最新书目

2000年8月26日,国家旅游局召开部际工作会议暨全国旅游会议．建设部、铁道部等十四部委有关领导及全国173城市的市长及旅游局长云集北京,运筹帏幄,厉兵秣马,做好充分准备迎战国庆假日旅游高潮的到来。国务委员钱其琛出席会议并讲话,国家旅游局局长何光暐主持大会,北京市市长刘淇,北京市旅游局局长于长江参加此次盛会,市政府主管旅游副市长张茅自始至终听取了会议内容。北京市及各兄弟省市旅游主管部门充分分析情况,做出宏观战略部署和细致的战术安排,对新千年第一个十一假期旅游极为重视。世界旅游组织预测,20年后的中国将成为世界旅游大国,旅游潮声渐起,情势蔚为壮观。本刊特向您推介中国十大热点线路,旨在归结旅潮动向,为您自助旅行做好参谋。     

谈我国城郊旅游发展研究

国民经济的持续发展以及人民生活水平的持续上升,促使国内游和假日游出现日益蓬勃的现象,并且已经呈现出多元化的发展趋势。在这种情况下,城市居民开始将旅游的目光投向了城郊地区。本文主要立足于当前国内城郊旅游发展存在的缺陷,来探讨城郊旅游今后发展的相关对策     

辛亥革命学术讨论会与辛亥革命史研究

在武汉举办纪念辛亥革命逢十周年学术讨论会,自1961年始,至今已举办4次。十年一度的以纪念为依托的辛亥革命学术讨论会,已形成蜚声海内外的学术品牌,同时也清晰地折射出辛亥革命史研究的发展脉络。半个世纪以来辛亥革命史的学科发展,固然因为辛亥革命这一历史事件本身具有巨大的魅力,但更与这四次辛亥革命学术讨论会有密不可分的关系。由这四次深具典型意义的讨论会管窥学术会议与学科发展之互动关系,或可为学术史的探讨提供一个新的视角。     

British judicial engagement and the juridification of the armed forces

Although the law has always been a major reference point in the conduct of war, little scholarly attention has focused on the transformative effect of recent legal challenges, judicial rulings and inquiries on the armed forces themselves, notably the 2011 Gage Inquiry into the death of Baha Mousa and the Philip Inquiry into the Mull of Kintyre helicopter disaster. Despite this, the impact has been significant in the ways it has transformed the governance regime of British armed forces and the professional autonomy of the military. This article conceptualizes the impact of law on the armed forces as ‘juridification’. In applying this concept, this article analyses the implications of this for the culture, conduct and organization of the British armed forces. It argues that juridification closes a civil–military relations gap between society on the one hand and the armed forces on the other. As important, juridification also brings with it permanent instability because of the inevitable conflicts that arise from the replacement of an old order based on authority, to a new military system based on rights. Thus the effects of juridification are not just a liminal moment—a transitory dislocation from established structures and the reversal of existing hierarchies—followed by the creation of a permanent new order. Rather, juridification has initiated an era of instability that is characterized by the absence of any permanent settlement of authority and rights in the governance of the armed forces. This has significant implications for the armed forces and their professional autonomy and the social, political and legal context in which armed forces have to operate.     

The government,the opposition and the President of the Republic under Berlusconi

This article assesses the behaviour of three actors, the government, the opposition and the President of the Republic, in the first two years of Berlusconi's government. Though solidly controlled by Berlusconi, his government has already had to replace two important ministers and some under-secretaries and has often behaved like a traditional coalition government. Moreover, it has so far achieved virtually none of the promises made in the 'Contract with the Italians'. It is feebly challenged by a divided opposition, unorganized, leaderless, unable to create a shadow government and just waiting for Romano Prodi's return from Brussels. Precisely because of its weakness, the opposition has often tried to rely on the President of the Republic as a check on Berlusconi's exorbitant power. Indeed, Ciampi has intervened in a more or less controversial way in the drafting of some government bills and has sent a solemn message to parliament asking for a more impartial and pluralist information system; to no avail. However, Ciampi's role and behaviour suggest that the problem of the powers of the President of the Republic has not been solved. Berlusconi's own preference for a popularly elected president and his unsolved conflict of interests indicate that the political and institutional transition in Italy is not yet over.     

我国社会结构变化对统一战线内部关系的重大影响

经过 2 0余年的改革开放 ,我国已进入一个新的新型时期。在社会转型过程中 ,社会结构发生了显著的变化 :产业结构由低级向高级推进 ,所有制结构由单一向多样发展 ,城乡二元结构出现松动 ,阶级、阶层发生深刻变化。这必然对统一战线的内部关系产生重大的影响 :工人阶级内部结构复杂化 ,使工人阶级实现自身团结统一的问题突出起来 ;农民阶级的急剧分化 ,使工农联盟的巩固面临新问题 ;私营企业主阶层的产生及其迅速扩大 ,使统一战线内部关系出现前所未有的新变化 ;产业结构优化升级和信息时代的到来 ,对做好知识分子工作提出了更高的要求 ;大量新的社会阶层的出现 ,客观上给民主党派的社会基础带来新的变化 ;“四个多样化”的出现 ,要求统一战线在处理内部关系时 ,应以“三个代表”的思想为指导 ,更加重视照顾同盟者利益和在政治上扩大民主。     

再论冷战的后果与影响

持续战后40多年的东西方冷战造成了巨大而深远的后果与影响,对此国内外学术界尚缺乏全面深入的总结研究。本文在笔者早先研究的基础上,又从国际关系格局、战争与和平、欧洲的联合、经济全球化、资本主义的变化、社会主义事业的发展等六个方面扼要论述了冷战的后果与影响。     

新时期中国共产党宗教政策恢复拓展的历史条件

自 1 978年以来 ,党的第二代、第三代领导集体对宗教问题给予了高度关心和重视 ,把宗教工作作为党和国家的一项重要工作来抓 ,这是新的历史时期党的宗教政策得以恢复拓展的前提条件 ;从世界总体发展的高度面对中国的宗教问题 ,考虑和解决中国的宗教问题 ,是新时期党的宗教政策恢复拓展的重要条件 ;新时期的宗教研究 ,既丰富了马克思主义关于宗教问题的理论 ,也加深了人们对宗教现象及其社会地位、历史作用的认识 ,为党的宗教政策恢复拓展奠定了坚实的理论基石 ;宗教自身世俗化倾向的加强 ,一方面可以说是党的宗教政策作用的结果 ,另一方面也是促成党的宗教政策恢复拓展的重要因素     

改革开放以来晚清人物研究述评

改革开放以来,晚清人物研究呈现相当活跃的局面,在进行学术总结和反思的基础上,逐渐地进行范式的转换。在这个过程中,遵循实事求是的原则成为学界普遍的共识,但由于有关晚清人物的"实事"总和不易获得,而人物评价又受到各种因素的影响,学者们评价人物的具体方法也各不相同,因此,对晚清人物的评价出现了许多新的观点。对这些新观点不能笼统地以"翻案"说视之。     

Putin's Russia: slowing the pendulum without stopping the clock

Vladimir Putin has been president of Russia for eighteen months, sufficienttime for some judgement about his style of leadership and achievements to have been made. He set out to restore order to a Russia that was fragmenting in Yeltsin's latter years and to revive Russians' pride in their country. Nonetheless, he remains committed to a liberal market economy integrated with the world economy. He encouraged force to bring order to Chechnya, but has not really tackled the problem of reconstruction. He has brought the regions under greater control by the centre, but has been prepared to compromise to avoid confrontation. His most tangible achievement to date has been in championing legislation, most of it long overdue, to establish the legal basis of a market economy. He has been able to exploit a working majority in the parliament, which Yeltsin never enjoyed. The success of this enterprise will depend to some degree on its political context. Persistent efforts by Putin and his team to exert control over the political process and the media will be counterproductive if they concentrate power with the president but leave him without broadly based, independent political support. Putin is likely to remain in power until 2008, however, so he has time on his side.     

The Past under the Shadow of the Present: The Case of the National Museum of Korean Contemporary History

The National Museum of Korean Contemporary History, which opened in 2012, has been the focus of a heated controversy between the progressive and conservative camps over the “proper” ways to represent South Korea’s turbulent history. I build on the relationship between heritage, collective memory and national identity, and argue that the division that typifies South Korean society has implications that extend beyond socio-political issues. Anchored within a broader discursive context, the museum became an important memory carrier involved in the process of debating the issue of national identity. Although no agreement has been reached regarding the “proper” historical narrative the site should exhibit, the museum has nevertheless offered an opportunity to shape a form of national identity that can embrace a more complex perspective on the country’s contemporary history. At present, though, this contentious site has demonstrated the extent to which the legacy of the conservative–progressive divide remains deep. I offer a discursive context that is useful for the study of current debates over heritage sites in South Korea, while the overall analysis illuminates the idea that the “present-centred” management of heritage in national museums can, potentially, play a part in the process of forming more intricate notions of national identity.     

大朝国师印考

西藏自治区文管会珍藏的“大朝国师统领诸国僧尼中兴释教之印”是具有极高历史价值的国宝级文物。但是,它长期被误读,并认为是复制品而遭到冷落。实际上“大朝”是忽必烈正式建国号“大元”之前的蒙古汗国国号,国师是当时最高僧官,具有“统领诸国僧尼中兴释教”的职权。此印是蒙哥大汗赐予那摩国师的封印。本文揭示了该印重要的历史价值和文物价值,对于元史、蒙古史的研究都有重要的参考价值。