当代美国华人的非选举政治参与——以2013年全美华人抗议“ABC辱华言论”为例

论文从美国华人政治参与的理论视角,以2013年全美华人抗议美国广播公司(ABC)辱华言论的行动案例,就非选举政治参与方式对当代美国华人政治参与的有效性和必要性进行了探讨.认为当代美国华人参与非选举政治的主要方式有个人接触、游说、法律诉讼、抵制、不合作、加入参政团体、利用大众媒体进行政治表达、游行、示威、抗议和请愿等,具有发起时间短、行动见效快等特点.这些参政方式能增强美国华人的凝聚力,提升他们的族裔意识、维权意识和参政意识,与他们参与选举政治形成互补.未来美国华人参政应该继续走多元化道路,在积极参与选举政治的同时,重视非选举政治参与,以影响美国各级政府决策和社区公益再分配,反对种族歧视,维护和增进在美华人的合法权益与尊严,提高华人参政的有效性,防止辱华、反华和排华的事件重演.     

华人移民与美国政治的发展

华人移民参政意识的增强和参政水平的提高是美国政治发展的一个重要因素。以公民选举为基础的分配政治是美国政治的一个主要特征,因此,参与选举是个人、团体取得权力和参与资源分配的主要手段。一个群体所取得的政治资源与该群体的人口数量、参政意识和参政水平直接相关。     

加拿大华人和印度人政治参与比较研究 ——以近两次联邦大选为例

论文梳理了加拿大华人和印度人政治地位的变迁历程,以2015年和2019年两次联邦大选为观察对象,比较分析了加拿大的华人和印度人在选举参与和政治融入方面的状况。研究发现,加拿大的华人和印度人的参政状况都有明显改善,在最近两次大选中取得可喜成果,这与移民教育程度和社会经济地位的提升密切相关。比较而言,华人的政治代表水平、政治融入程度和政治影响力与印度人存在较大差距。族群的政治社会化水平是导致两者参政效果差异的核心变量。华人缺乏熟谙选举规则和竞选话语策略的政治精英、高效动员力和宗教凝聚力的族裔组织、较强政治效能感的族群成员以及对政治形势的准确把握和运用,这些因素制约着华人有效参与加拿大政治活动。     

后疫情时代德国华人政治参与的新媒介实践——基于行动者网络理论的分析

论文梳理了德国华人政治参与的背景与路径以及疫情影响下德国华人政治参与的新媒介转向,并以2021年全德华人抗议德国儿童读物事件（简称“童书事件”）为例,就德国华人如何构建新媒介政治实践的行动网络展开探讨。德国华人政治参与的新媒介实践归纳为三类：第一,以信息资讯类平台为代表的选举政治投票助力;第二,以视频社交类平台为代表的政治参与虚拟在场;第三,以即时通讯类平台为代表的政治动员增量表达。研究显示,德国华人政治参与的三类新媒介都在“童书事件”得到了具体运用,并在盟友招募与集体动员的转译环节中,实现了华人政治诉求与权益表达“流量、声量与增量”的交融互促。     

当代加拿大华人精英参政模型分析

论文将当代加拿大华人精英的参政情况概括为五种模型：选举型和委任型、全国型和地方型、象征型和实在型、主流政党型和华人政党型及华人选票型和非华人选票型,并运用这五种参政模型对当代加拿大华人精英的参政情况进行归纳与分析。认为华人精英无论采取何种模型参与加拿大政治,只要能成功进入主流社会,对改善华人在加拿大社会的公共政治形象,提高他们的社会政治地位和维护他们的合法权利都十分有益,对华裔新生代未来参与政治的热情也是一个激励。     

《当代美国华人政治参与研究(1965-2012)》出版

正华南师范大学政治与行政学院政治学系教授万晓宏博士的新著《当代美国华人政治参与研究(1965-2012)》已于2013年11月由暨南大学出版社出版,全书共分五章38万余字。该书分别介绍了1965年以前美国华人政治参与的方式、影响当代美国华人政治参与的因素、当代美国华人精英的政治参与、当代美国华人参政团体的政治参与、当代美国华人政治参与方式的多元化等内容。由于美国是一个以欧裔白人占主导地位的典型移民国家,华人在美国是众多少     

近年来美国华人政治参与的新特点与新趋势 ——以2016年大选为例的分析

论文梳理了近年来美国华人政治参与的主要背景、路径与方式,并以2016年美国大选中华人参政现象为例,分析了美国华人政治参与的新特点、新趋势,探讨了美国华人政治参与的局限与瓶颈,以期形成对美国华人政治参与未来发展的规律性认识.论文认为美国华人参政的未来趋势主要表现在:第一,美国华人政治参与仍将保持强劲势头,但政治弱势地位也将长期存在;第二,美国华人政治参与的基本模式初步形成并将长期发挥影响;第三,美国华人族群是否团结,将成为能否保持参政上升态势的重要决定因素.     

二战后马来西亚华人社团的政治参与

二战后,英国殖民政府和马来亚政府在政治、经济、文化、教育等领域采取种种政策措施,对华人社会加强了统治。这些政策措施并不都有利于华人社会,许多政策措施对华人既不公正,也不公平,更不合理。为此,马来西亚华人社会积极行动起来,通过各种合理、合法的方式和途径,争取、维护自身的合法权益。作为华人社会的一支重要力量,马来西亚华人社团逐     

第一届国会选举再论

第一届国会选举在中国政治现代化过程中具有重要意义。本文力图从各政党对选举问题重视、政党候选人争取选票方式以及选民投票心态等方面对此次选举加以评析,借以说明它基本上是在法律许可范围内进行,各选民自由地表达了自己的政治倾向。从总体上看,这是一次成功的选举。     

从移民到选民：1965年以来美国华人社会的发展变化

196 5年是美国华人发展历史的分水岭。美国政府于该年修改移民法 ,承认种族移民机会平等。此后华人移民源源不断涌入美国 ,成为美国增长速度最快的移民群体。随着华人社会规模迅速扩大以及经济和专业实力的激增 ,美国华人开始积极参选参政 ,争取与其社会地位相当的政治权利。从移民到选民 ,是美国华人落地生根、茁壮成长的过程。假以时日 ,随着华人移民数量进一步激增 ,华人选民的政治影响力将有望接近美国犹太裔选民。     

The Paradox of Contemporary Immigrant Political Mobilization: Organized Labor, Undocumented Migrants, and Electoral Participation in Los Angeles

This article illuminates a paradox in the contemporary political mobilization of new Americans. While labor unions are taking an increasingly active role in the successful mobilization of foreign‐born residents in electoral politics, a substantial number of these newly mobilized Americans are undocumented migrants and residents, and thus are members of a growing and permanently disenfranchised working class. While this marginalized labor force benefits capital, an expanding long‐term, non‐citizen population presents a serious challenge to democratic politics. In this article, I discuss a case study which demonstrates both sides of this paradox. Facilitated by broader Latino political mobilization, their membership in progressive labor unions, and labor's shifting political strategy, many undocumented residents of Los Angeles are participating in candidate endorsements, campaign rallies, and "get out the vote" efforts, even though they are unable to vote on election day. Their actions portend future reconfigurations of the boundaries which surround citizenship and suffrage.     

The Judicial Bookshelf

Almost anyone who can read would describe the Supreme Court of the United States as a legal body–an institution that says what the law is in the context of deciding cases. May the Court also be fairly described as a political institution? Even to pose the question raises eyebrows, because Americans commonly use the word “political” to refer to partisan politics—that persistent struggle between organized groups called political parties to control public offices, public resources, and the nation’s destiny. In this sense of the word, the federal courts are expected today to be “above politics,” meaning that judges are supposed to refrain from publicly taking sides in elections, from otherwise jumping into the arena of electoral combat, 2 or from deciding cases based on the popularity of the litigants.3 While democratic theory anticipates that elected officials will answer to the people, the rule of law envisions something different: an abiding and even‐handed application by the judiciary of the Constitution and statutes shaped by the people and their representatives.     

Regional cleavages in African politics: Persistent electoral blocs and territorial oppositions

Do socio-economic cleavages shape electoral dynamics in African countries? Previous individual-level and party systems research on African politics has de-emphasized socio-economic factors, contributing to the common view that ethnic cleavages and short-term ethnic alliances define politics both locally and nationally. Focusing on Kenya, Zambia, and Malawi, we draw on methods in electoral geography to offer a spatial analysis of geographic patterns in constituency-level electoral returns over three decades that reveals the existence of persistent regional voting blocs that, in their temporal stability and multiethnic character, are not well explained by prevailing theory. The anomalies open the door to a reinterpretation national electoral structure and dynamics in the three countries that takes the geographic clustering of the persistent voting blocs as a clue to their etiology. We propose an interpretation that focuses on core-periphery cleavages in national electorates, following Lipset and Rokkan's (1967) classic model of territorial oppositions in countries undergoing political and economic integration and modernization. DHS data and proxies for regional economic activity support this interpretation. Socio-economic cleavages of the type explored in comparative political economy literatures on spatial inequality and territorial politics may be more salient in African electoral politics than previously thought.     

西方选举地理学的研究进展

选举地理学是政治地理学的重要研究领域之一。本文以Web of Science中选举地理学的学术论文为依据,借助科学计量工具,系统回顾了1982-2018年选举地理学的发展脉络,归纳了西方选举地理学的主要研究领域和研究范式。研究表明：选举地理学主要包括投票地理、选举制度、选区划分、选票转化四个领域;与此相应,西方学界对选举地理的研究范式可归纳为空间分析、地理制图、政治经济学、后结构主义。展望未来,选举地理学在解释中国的地方政治、基层选举、社区自治,以及推动中国政治地理学的学科发展方面将值得期待。     

Development,Neoliberalism and Electoral Politics in Latin America

The purpose of this article is to discuss the impact of the current economic crisis on development strategies in Latin America, and the ways in which redefinitions of the notion of development have transformed Latin American politics during the period of democratization. The article examines, specifically, the rise of the neoliberal movement in Latin America and its impact on policy-making, parties and electoral politics. It argues that in spite of the electoral inroads recently made by neoliberal parties, political organizations of the New Right remain weak, either because they are the product of unstable political coalitions with a slim chance of surviving electoral defeat, or because the renewal of populist parties has pre-empted the growth of neoliberal parties.     

‘With All My Oldest and Native Friends’. Joseph Parkes: Warwickshire Solicitor and Electoral Agent in the Age of Reform1

Joseph Parkes, Birmingham solicitor, electoral agent, whig party advisor and secretary to the Parliamentary Municipal Corporation Commission was a modern master of exposing corrupt and fraudulent electioneering and using it as a catalyst for the election of reform and Liberal politicians immediately following the 1832 Reform Act. Warwickshire's own political and legal history was the foundation for Parkes's understanding of how politics worked in Britain and what was wrong with it, and helped forge his vision for an effective reform in parliamentary and local government. This essay examines Joseph Parkes's understanding of national electoral politics, informed by his work in Warwickshire. As a local solicitor, Parkes gained the wisdom of controlling electoral registration, canvassing in a routine and orderly manner and establishing a network of professionals to secure that registrations turned into votes at elections. This experience would culminate in the formation of the Reform Club, a national organisation of whigs, Liberals and radicals, that would, eventually, become the base of the Liberal Party in modern British politics. In short, Joseph Parkes was a man who could not, and did not wish to, escape where he came from, at least in terms of his political education. His Warwickshire experiences and lessons learned, solidified a series of political reform goals that he pragmatically approached as a political advisor, operative and attorney, rather than an elected public servant, and marked the direction of politics for the rest of the century.     

Traceable Tasks and Complex Policies: When Politics Matter for Policy Implementation

Implementation represents a key venue for the expression of political conflict. The challenge of illusory implementation, implementing the law's letter but not its spirit, has long vexed scholars and architects of public policy. We develop a political model of policy implementation to predict the kinds of politics—electoral, group, administrative—that different parts of complicated laws activate during implementation. Using original state‐level data on landmark education policy, we assess whether and how these politics render illusory implementation more or less likely for specific policy tasks embedded in complex laws. Consistent with our model, we find electoral politics render illusory implementation less likely for a narrow set of tasks. Group‐based politics and administrative politics bear on illusory implementation for a broader set of tasks in diverse ways. Overall, how policy activates politics during implementation depends on the features of the policy lever, where it is put into practice, and how traceable it is to the bureaucrats who do the implementing. Further, the results underscore how nuanced insights about implementation emerge when one considers individual components of complex laws, rather than treating the laws themselves whole cloth.     

Politics of place: political representation and the culture of electioneering in the Netherlands,c.1848–1980s

Abstract

This article is a first attempt to explore how a politics of place has manifested itself in Dutch electoral culture since the middle of the nineteenth century. It aims to move beyond a narrow interpretation of a politics of place as an ‘old-fashioned’ feature of electoral politics to be associated with a distinct, long-gone era of political representation. Instead, this article shows how it was continuously negotiated. This gives us a better understanding of the changing nature of political representation in the Netherlands. Compared to Britain at the turn of the nineteenth century, local senses of community and their clash with ideology-based party politics were far less prominent. There was, however, on-going debate about the degree to which Parliament should reflect the various regions of the country, so that local party associations and voters could feel represented and address ‘their’ MP for issues pertaining to their locality. Moreover, after 1918 parties were concerned about the need to maintain political communication on the spot to counter lack of political involvement and feelings of alienation among the electorate. The article ends with a call for further reflection on the nature of clientelism in the Netherlands by exploring direct interaction between voters and their representatives.     

Voters on the move: The political effectiveness of migration and its effects on state partisan composition

Recent population forecasts issued by the U.S. Census Bureau suggest that by 2030 Sunbelt migration could result in two-thirds of all Americans living in the South and West. What's more, 30% of all Americans could live in California, Texas, and Florida (U.S. Census Bureau, 2005). Regardless of whether such high levels of continued Sunbelt migration occur or other patterns emerge, population movement will have electoral implications as the composition of migration streams change the balance of party identifiers at both origins and destinations. To illustrate how migration streams can exhibit very different levels of ‘political effectiveness,’ this research substantively addresses three key issues under-examined in the current literature: 1) the ability of migration to both reinforce and dilute party strength, 2) the changes in partisanship at the origin and destination of migration streams effected through processes analogous to ‘packing’ and ‘cracking’ in electoral redistricting literature, and 3) the importance of migration selectivity. This research uses an innovative, albeit far-from-precision method to suggest how recent U.S. migration trends may portend changes in Republican and Democratic partisanship. Using 2000 Presidential election exit polls by state, along with 1995–2000 PUMS migration data, individual party identification is inferred from individual migrant characteristics. This research calls attention to and argues for research to address the highly complex relationships of migration with electoral geographies.     

Towards a chequebook democracy? Business,parties and the funding of politics in Italy and the United States

This article seeks to establish to what extent Silvio Berlusconi's entry into electoral politics as leader of Forza Italia signals an ‘Americanization’ of Italian politics. It argues that Italian party democracy is moving in an ‘American’ direction in two ways. First, Italian party organizations are declining, leading to a more candidate-centred type of electoral politics. Second, the decline of parties is enhancing the ability of business to use its financial clout to tailor public policy to its own requirements. However, these trends do not have identical effects in Italy and the United States. This article will also show that this process of ‘Americanization’ interacts with the existing political praxis and institutional framework of Italian politics to produce an outcome which differs from both the traditional Western European model and the American model of party democracy. It will be concluded that this outcome seriously undermines representative democracy in Italy.