中国与东南亚共产党关系的正常化及其影响——兼论中共从革命党向执政党身份转换的完成

中国共产党与东南亚共产党之间的关系是新中国成立后中国对东南亚地区政策中的一项重要内容,带有鲜明的时代色彩。在改革开放的大背景下,中国提出了新的党际关系原则,并以此为指导实现了与东南亚各国共产党关系的正常化,终止了对这些共产党组织及其革命运动的援助,将共产党党际关系置于政府间关系之下,明确了以国家利益作为发展党际关系的最高原则。这一转变不仅意味着中国共产党从革命型政党向执政党身份转换过程的最终完成,也对中国的东南亚地区政策和日后东南亚区域发展产生了深远的影响。     

传统与非传统:对石油安全的双重解读

石油安全是关系到中国发展的一项重大议题,目前对它尚存在着不同解读,但大多把它归入非传统安全范畴。石油安全不应仅仅被视为非传统安全,事实上它早已被纳入传统安全的视野。在安全议题日益复杂化的时代背景下,运用传统与非传统安全的双重视角来考察石油安全问题,无疑具有重大意义。而且,石油安全问题的解决思路集中体现了综合安全观的发展。     

地缘安全视角下国家边界的“三重功能”及其优化组合

国家边界长期以来都是政治地理学研究中的突出主题。冷战结束后,东亚地区涌现大量毗邻国家之间的次区域合作,同时非传统边境安全异常突起。为此,国家边界由单一的维护传统边境安全的功能转变为同时维护传统边境安全、促进次区域经济合作及保障非传统边境安全的三重功能。这三者之间存在很强的内在联系,且相互之间在一定的条件下能够转化。在分析三者之间的内在联系的基础上,我们提出了形成梯级决策模式、合理定量化评估及建立多主体、多层次的协调机构来优化组合国家边界的"三重功能"的优化思路。     

战后东南亚华人问题的成因及对策

印尼的五月骚乱突出了东南亚华人问题。反华排华一直是东南亚的普遍性现象。导致东南亚地区华人问题的主要原因是民族经济、政治发展的不平衡,语言的复杂性,以及受冷战格局和所在国与中国关系的影响。为了从根本上解决东南亚的华人问题,华人本身、所在国、中国及国际社会等不同的社会主体应采取不同的措施。     

由西方“人的安全观”引发的对国家与社会关系的重新思考——一种跨国关系—国内政治分析视角

在20世纪90年代以来由全球多国政府和知识精英参与的"新安全观"(亦称"非传统安全观"和"综合安全观"等)探讨中,尤以西方国家提出的"人的安全观"呼声最为强烈。在西方"人的安全观"理念中,传统的国家-社会模式被打破,社会不再被各类国界线划定为一些封闭的空间,人的安全问题也不再仅是国家内部问题,而同时成为全球市民社会的重要议题。尽管西方"人的安全观"暴露出很多不足与缺陷,但其跨国关系—国内政治分析模式促使我们去反思国家与社会关系的近现代理解模式,打破那种在一个封闭的国家内谈论国家与社会的关系或者仅以单一国家为单位谈论世界政治问题的局面,从而能更多地从国家与社会的关系来看待我国对外关系的变化以及在国际社会中的社会化进程,或者从另一方面来说我国对外关系的变化如何影响到我国国内社会改革和政治议程。     

20世纪50年代以来东南亚闽籍华人数量的估算

海外华侨华人数量的不确定一直是学术研究中的难题,东南亚地区由于各国复杂的情况这一问题更为明显。多种因素导致东南亚闽籍华侨华人规模估算的困难。论文在参考国内统计数据的基础上,汇总东南亚各国的人口普查数据、年鉴、统计公报和华社会刊等一手资料,并在此基础上参考相关机构和学者研究的二手资料,梳理和分析了东南亚闽籍华人数量的历史变迁与地区分布,并对东南亚地区的新加坡、马来西亚、菲律宾、印度尼西亚、泰国、柬埔寨、越南、缅甸,以及老挝、文莱、东帝汶等国家的闽籍华人数量分别进行了统计和估算。据保守估计,东南亚闽籍华人的总体规模超过1200万。     

美国加入东亚峰会之后的中国东南亚外交政策的几点思考

在中国所有地缘政治战略中,东南亚无疑是最为重要的一环,这里不仅居住着数量最为众多的华侨华人,还与中国有着相似的文化背景和近代历史,中国的传统影响力在东南亚地区早已根深蒂固,并一直影响到现在的中国与东盟关系,尤其是中国开始实行改革开放政策,随之而来的外交政策的调整和经济社会的不断发展,使中国对东南亚各国产生了巨大的吸引力。但是随着美国加入《东南亚友好合作条约》和即将参加下一轮的东亚峰会,表明美国在重返东南亚的道路上迈出了重要一步,而且美国这一系列动作亦会影响东南亚国家对中国的外交政策,这使得东南亚形势变得更趋复杂和不明朗。在这种情况下,我们需要重新审视对东南亚的外交政策,也要更加关注和考虑美国因素的作用和影响。如何处理好美国处于地区优势下的中国与东南亚关系,将是一个非常迫切与现实的问题。     

战后日本与东南亚国家关系的恢复和发展

战后日本与东南亚国家关系的恢复和发展陈奉林战后日本与东南亚国家的关系,经历了由相互隔绝到修复关系、发展关系的历史性转变。以战争赔偿为主要内容的经济外交,是日本实现与东南亚国家关系正常化的有效手段。本文拟围绕日本的战争赔偿问题,谈谈战后日本与东南亚国家...     

论日本对东南亚的占领及其影响（1941—1945）

论日本对东南亚的占领及其影响（１９４１—１９４５）梁志明第二次世界大战期间,特别是太平洋战争爆发后,日本侵占东南亚地区,约达４年之久。日本对东南亚的侵略和统治,对东南亚国家的经济、社会发展均产生了巨大的影响,著名的英国史学家Ｄ．Ｃ．Ｅ．霍尔在他所撰写...     

水资源问题对乌兹别克斯坦国家关系的影响

水资源作为一种非传统安全问题一直困扰着乌兹别克斯坦。跨境水资源问题影响着乌兹别克斯坦与中亚邻国的国家关系和地区局势稳定。苏联解体后乌兹别克斯坦水资源问题更加突出,中亚水资源区域合作局面难以打开。乌兹别克斯坦一直寻找水资源解决途径。     

ASEAN's ‘people-oriented’ aspirations: civil society influences on non-traditional security governance

Since the Asian financial crisis, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has sought to reorient itself towards becoming a ‘people-oriented’ association. Democratic transitions in the region and increased demands from civil society to be actively involved in regional governance have prompted ASEAN to develop forms of participatory regionalism. In practice, however, the rhetorical aspirations of ASEAN have not often matched the level of participation or support expected by civil society organisations. It has often been the case that ASEAN's decisions, especially those related to sensitive issues, have been influenced by external pressure as opposed to participatory mechanisms. The aim of this article is to determine to what extent participatory mechanisms impact ASEAN's approach to non-traditional security. By doing so, the authors combine two key elements central to a ‘people-oriented’ approach to regionalism: the incorporation of deliberative and participatory processes and the acknowledgement of transboundary security issues which require cooperation to move beyond state-centric approaches. This article explains that despite the rhetorical emphasis on participatory regionalism, it continues to be the case that regional civil society organisations and non-state actors have limited capacity to influence ASEAN. By providing a critical analysis of influences on ASEAN's non-traditional security policies, the authors offer a modest yet valuable contribution to the emerging literature on ASEAN's ‘people-oriented’ regionalism and advance a nuanced understanding of ASEAN's participatory mechanisms.     

Exploiting Sino-US Geostrategic Competition: The View from Seoul and Singapore

The mainstream literature on weak status quo states’ diplomacy tends to identify their regional security roles in terms of dealing with non-traditional security issues. This article argues that such a limited approach is not sufficient to explain the current security dynamics in the Asia-Pacific. This article reviews the literature on weak status quo states’ influence on regional order. It then identifies a security environment in which they are more likely to exert some impact on maintaining and building a regional order. After contextualising these discussions in the Asia-Pacific setting, the article examines the experience of South Korea and Singapore as secondary powers in the East Asian region. Although both countries enjoy high levels of security cooperation with the US, both have also been able to exercise a certain amount of influence in advancing their own geostrategic interests amidst the growing Sino-US geostrategic competition. Yet their exploitation of Sino-US geostrategic competition is neither a simple balancing strategy against China nor a simple bandwagoning with the US, since both South Korea and Singapore have been increasing bilateral and multilateral security cooperation with China.     

1955年亚非会议与中泰关系的有限缓和

泰国在亚洲冷战形成的过程中选择了以美国为首的西方阵营,拒不承认新中国,中泰关系处于隔绝状态。中国一贯重视改善同东南亚邻国的关系,在和平解决印度支那问题后积极为改善中泰关系而努力。1955年的亚非会议,不仅为中泰两国提供了直接接触和了解的机会,促使泰国转变对华态度,而且也给东南亚地区局势带来缓和。尽管这一时期的关系缓和是有限的、短暂的,但它是新中国推行和平外交的一次重要尝试。     

Japan’s Twin-Track Diplomacy during the Cambodian Conflict, 1979–84: A “Member of the West” Pursuing an Independent Foreign Policy 1

The Cambodian conflict and the increase of the Cold War tension following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan posed major challenges to Japan’s Southeast Asia policy but, contrary to what is claimed in the existing research, did not halt Tokyo’s efforts to promote peaceful coexistence between the countries of ASEAN and Indochina. Declassified documents and other primary sources show that through the adoption of a twin-track diplomatic line, Japan acted as an “Asian member of the West”, committing to the anti-Soviet alignment but at the same time continuing to pursue its regional objectives. By engaging Vietnam and striving for a “regional” solution to the Cambodian conflict, Japan followed an independent diplomatic line, eventually expanding its role in Southeast Asia beyond the economic dimension to security issues. In the end, Japan’s bridging efforts in Southeast Asia, envisioned by Prime Minister Fukuda in 1977, helped Tokyo to lay the foundation for its involvement in the mature stage of the Cambodian peace process after the late 1980s.     

China's New Generation of Leaders and Regional Challenges in East Asia

A pair of Hong Kong and U.S. specialists on China examines the dynamic international environment China's new leadership now faces, focusing on East Asia. They first examine the complex balance the leadership seeks to strike between: (1) China's projection of increasing economic, military, and political power internationally; (2) the primary domestic goals of economic growth and stability; and (3) rising public awareness, demand for information access, and (in some quarters) nationalism among the Chinese people. The authors then proceed, in successive sections of the paper, to assess in greater detail China's international and regional security environment, Sino-American relations, China's relations with its East Asian neighbors, and the complex interconnections between the country's domestic and foreign policy. They conclude that Sino-American relations will continue to be pivotal to Beijing's foreign relations in general and its relations with countries in the East Asian region more specifically.     

东北亚地缘政治特点与中韩经贸合作趋势

本文在简述亚太及东北亚地区战略格局的基础上,分析了东北亚地区的地缘政治的两个特点,探讨评价了中韩两国经贸合作的基础、原因,取得的成绩以及存在的不足,指出了两国今后经贸合作的趋势与方向。     

Middle power strategic choices and horizontal security cooperation: the 2009 Australia-South Korea security cooperation agreement

ABSTRACT

This article examines why Asia-Pacific middle powers cooperate with each other on security issues. The article challenges the assumption that middle powers are primarily influenced by great-power structural factors in their security relations with each other. It argues that the dominant structural explanations of security cooperation between secondary states—balancing against the rise of China, responding to burden-sharing pressure from the United States, or hedging during a period of great power transition—have not been sufficiently tested. Using the 2009 Australia-South Korea security cooperation agreement as a representative example of middle power security cooperation, it finds that inter-personal leadership preferences played a key intervening role in filtering existing structural incentives into actual policy cooperation. It shows how congruence in leadership preferences shapes when and with whom middle powers are likely to cooperate on security issues. The article opens up the research agenda on middle powers by examining how they approach security relations in bilateral and horizontal contexts with each other.     

东南亚宗教的特点及其在中国对外交流中的作用——兼谈东南亚华人宗教的特点

论文介绍了东南亚国家宗教的基本情况和特点,阐述了东南亚区域发展中宗教在整合意识形态、维护地区国家主权、促进地区经济合作与交流等方面的积极作用,进而对宗教在促进中国与东南亚国家交流中的积极作用提出了具体建议。认为儒教、道教、佛教作为维系华人社会的重要纽带,促进着华人社会的稳定和发展,对儒教、道教、佛教的宗教感情实际上寄托了华人的民族感情。东南亚华人宗教与中国传统宗教血脉相连,要在平衡发挥五大宗教作用的基础上,注重发挥东南亚国家华人宗教在与中国交流中的独特作用。     

Comparative Analysis of Civil Society and State Discourse on Disabled People’s Rights and Welfare in Southeast Asia 2010–16

Over the next quarter century it is likely that Southeast Asian countries will experience high levels of growth in the number of disabled people. It is therefore significant that, over the past decade, the region’s governments have at last ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). At this critical juncture, and in the face of ongoing human rights issues in several territories, this study presents comparative analysis of state and civil society organisations’ (CSOs’) discourse on CRPD implementation. The findings show that while governments have espoused a participatory approach to fulfilling their CRPD obligations, contemporary practice falls short. Disabled people currently experience barriers to shaping policy and accessing social welfare. There is a “disconnect” between state and civil spheres that hampers effective implementation based on partnership working and knowledge exchange. In turn, this raises issues of legitimation, performativity and the endurance of the Medical Model of Disability across the region.