Peasant Co-operation,Consciousness and Solidarity

Paper prepared for the 34th Annual Meeting of the Society for Applied Anthropology, Amsterdam, 19–23 March 1975.     

Intellectual Solidarity and Transcending Polarized Discourse

Abstract

Much of the discussion over our most contested issues in politics and ethics is characterized by polarization. Rather than even, honest disagreement, our public exchange is characterized by confusion, caricature, and defining one’s self in binary opposition to one’s opponent. One solution to this problem is an emphasis on what David Hollenbach calls intellectual solidarity. It is characterized by engagement, listening, and a willingness to change one’s mind. This article shows that even the most polarizing arguments imaginable, like those over abortion, can become manageable and even productive in the context of intellectual solidarity.     

The Transcendence of State-Sanctioned Violence and Christian Solidarity

Abstract

This essay is concerned with the nature of the human experiences of transcendence and solidarity with particular reference to state-sanctioned violence and the non-violent resistance inspired by Christian faith. With research undertaken in East Timor, the essay identifies two different forms of transcendence—one marked by mob violence; and the other by ecclesial solidarity. It explores these forms of transcendence in the context of the statesanctioned executions in East Timor that occurred in 1999 after the populace voted for independence from Indonesia, which had brutally occupied the territory from 1975 to 1999. Through the story of a group that was to be executed, the essay explores the nature of state-sanctioned violence as structured by violent transcendence; and the Christian solidarity informed by a pacific transcendence located in the victimhood of Christ. The essay claims that the anthropological insights of René Girard provide an important lens to understanding the East Timorese experience, in which I argue that statesanctioned violence was resisted through the pacific transcendence located in Christ that awakened a consciousness of the victim.     

反共产国际协定背后的中德日角逐

德日两个法西斯国家都有着军国主义和扩张的历史传统,都属于第一次世界大战的“不满意”的国家,要求用武力改变现状和重新瓜分世界。但是,它们在经济上又都比较脆弱,在军事上也不够强大,谁都没有能力单独发动世界性的战争,因此联合是实现它们扩张野心的捷径。     

The Use of the Bible by the Christian Human Rights Organizations Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) and International Justice Mission (IJM)

Abstract

This paper explores the use made of the Bible by two Christian human rights organizations: Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) and International Justice Mission (IJM), identifying the particular parts of Scripture appealed to, the hermeneutic adopted, and asks whether there are other resources in the Bible which they could use to inspire and inform their work. CSW with its focus on the persecuted Church most naturally draws its inspiration from the New Testament, especially the Epistles; whilst IJM whose work principally addresses other forms of injustice, makes greater appeal to the Old Testament. The biblical framework for IJM's work could be strengthened by a more sustained attention to Jesus' ministry as a model of human rights intervention and advocacy, by reflection on the significance of the Exodus as indicative of God's purposes for those who are oppressed, and by consideration of the book of James. CSW needs to integrate its commendable emphasis on Jesus' mission as exemplary for Christian human rights action with a holistic reading of the Bible and a greater exploration of the importance of the Church as the Body of Christ.     

战后国际关系与我国建国初"一边倒"方针的形成

"一边倒"是新中国成立初期独立自主和平外交政策框架中最核心的方针.它的形成与第二次世界大战结束前后的国际关系密切相关.当时的国际关系有两条线索:一是雅尔塔体系的建立;二是冷战的开始与两大阵营的形成.这使中国不能置身局外,中间道路难以行得通,"一边倒"就是在这样一个复杂的国际背景下酝酿形成的.与此同时,国际形势的变化包括两大阵营的出现,也使斯大林不得不重新考虑苏联的远东战略,包括对中共和国民党的态度,这使"一边倒"的出现最终成为可能.     

Solidarity Economy for Development and Women's Emancipation: Lessons from Bolivia

This article critically assesses the relationship between the solidarity economy (SE) and women's emancipation through a case study of SE groups in El Alto, Bolivia. It highlights the fact that the failure to harness the potential of SE as a development alternative and as a means for the emancipation of women can partly be attributed to the neglect of gender‐related issues in the study of SE. Following an examination of SE in the Bolivian context of class and ethnicity, the article deepens the analysis by focusing on gender. It shows that the significant participation of women in SE is a response to the double imperative imposed by the current processes of monetization of production and home‐based reproduction. Compared with their insertion into the market individually, participation in SE allows women to increase and smooth their income. In general, however, their income remains lower than that of men and also below the poverty line. This reflects a continuing gender asymmetry and points to the limitations to what solidarity among poor women can achieve. The article concludes with an assessment of the possibilities as well as the difficulties inherent in a new pathway to women's emancipation through SE, a pathway which would necessitate a reorganization of the social sphere of reproduction.     

英国与1915年《海峡协定》

1915海峡协定是英国战时外交的产物。出于对德战争的需要,英国向俄国承诺战后根据俄国的意愿解决海峡问题,但这绝非是英国单方面的让步,也并没有改变英国传统的“帝国防御战略”。英国在做出让步的同时,不仅最大限度地实现了自己在中近东地区的利益要求,还为在这一地区获得进一步的补偿保留了充分的余地。《海峡协定》签订后,列强开始了对奥斯曼帝国领土的全面瓜分。     

海耶与“德满协定”

从日军 1 931年 9月 1 8日强占沈阳、制造震惊中外的“九·一八事变” ,到李顿调查团的报告书在 1 933年 2月 2 4日的国联大会上通过 ,因日本侵华而引发的远东危机延续了一年半之久。这场远东危机最直接的后果是 ,日本用武力粉碎了华盛顿体系 ,打碎了帝国主义国家在远东和太平洋地区的均势。它标志着一战后资本主义世界相对稳定时期的结束和帝国主义列强重新瓜分世界的开始。日本的侵略野心急剧膨胀 ,中日之间的矛盾进一步激化。然而 ,在国际形势发生重大变化的同时 ,希特勒的纳粹政权也已经在德国粉墨登场 ,并开始毫不掩饰地重整军备 ,这更…     

Australian Labor and the Socialist Tradition

Amidst the turmoil of the so‐called ‘death of socialism’, both in Australia and elsewhere, there has been renewed debate about what socialism should be taken to mean. This paper attempts to come to terms with the competing claims about, in particular, socialism within the Australian Labor Party and, in general, how better to understand the meaning of socialism. A comparison and contrast between the first principles of liberalism and socialism helps to illuminate some of the inadequacies of Marxist criticisms of parliamentary Labor. In addition, the argument is made that if we are willing to give greater emphasis to questions of means and ends, socialism can be seen to be part of Labor's historic mission. Far from being a defence of the Hawke administration, however, the case is made that there has been, under Hawke, a fundamental break with the democratic socialist tradition; that the difference is in kind, not degree.