试析20世纪40年代的新自由主义思潮

20世纪40年代自由主义思潮的最大特点就是把自由主义思想的提倡与当时中国社会的迫切需求结合在一起:既要解决政治民主问题,又要实现经济平等的目标。这就需要最大限度地调和政治民主与经济平等之间的矛盾,建立一个政治民主与经济平等齐头并进的社会。为了适应这种社会需要,自由主义在坚持原有的自由、民主、平等、法治等基本理念的基础上,吸收了许多社会主义的思想要素,用当时形象的话说就是"大家有饭吃,各人选路走"。这种调和自由主义和社会主义的思潮在中国社会引起了极大的反响和共鸣,形成了系统、完整的思想体系,一时间成为思想界关注的焦点,许多人将其称为"新自由主义"。     

胡适的容忍论

胡适的自由思想中容忍具有极为重要的地位.胡适认为容忍既是一种自由的精神,又是一种民主的精神,是自由的根本.一个社会缺乏容忍,自由就不会有保障.社会只有容忍不同的思想存在,容忍有不同的声音,才能使人人都有思想的自由.胡适极力反对不容忍,主张容忍异己,容忍反对党.胡适还强调,一个社会缺少容忍精神,必定会产生唯我主义,走向极权专制.胡适终身奉行容忍,在朋友中倡导互相容忍,反对各种不容忍.     

Whither the Developmental State in South Korea? Balancing Welfare and Neoliberalism

Abstract

Scholars of political economy have been debating the role of the Korean state in the economic development of the country, as the characteristics of a developmental state, a neoliberal state and/or a welfare state have appeared simultaneously in the various governments’ policies since the 1990s. This paper argues that although the nature, degree and extent of government intervention has varied from administration to administration, the basic stance of a developmental state has been retained while neoliberal and welfare policies have been used concurrently to further economic and social development. This coexistence of contradictory approaches reflecting alternative market economic systems was the product of a combination of government policies that has for the past 20 years provided the Korean government with the ability to deploy flexible policy mixes in response to changes in the political and economic environment and to maximise the outcomes of developmental policies.     

Nation and state building in Italy: recent historiographical interpretations (1989–1997), I: Unification to Fascism

Abstract

This is the first part of a general historiographical review of recent studies on the formation of the modern Italian nation and national identities. The review is organized chronologically and the first part covers literature on the development of the Italian state and society to the end of the nineteenth century.     

On the current absence and future improbability of political Catholicism in Italy

Clerical ‘non-negotiable values’ were actively promoted by right-wing governments in the 2000s, the Monti government that replaced them was strongly supported by the Vatican and the Italian bishops, and the current left-wing government is led by a former member of the Catholic popolari who attends Mass every Sunday. But this article argues that, rather than a new golden age of political Catholicism, the return of Catholicism to Italian politics has taken a ‘low intensity’ form which lacks the robust combination of ideas, leaders, organizations, and interests that informed earlier, genuinely political forms of Catholic engagement. The article demonstrates this by focusing on the ‘Todi movement’, which played a crucial role in the Monti government, and on Matteo Renzi’s current leadership of the Partito democratico and the national government. It also proposes a theoretical framework to explain the apparent contradiction between the high visibility and the low political relevance of Catholicism in Italian politics.     

Technical Standards and the Integration of the U.S. and Canadian Economies

One of the most challenging aspects of the study of Canadian political thought is its apparent lack of a clear consensus (perhaps in the form of a “grand theory”) that provides it with more structured analytical organization and parameters. This absence can be remedied through an explicit recognition of the competing traditions that have contributed to the mosaic of Canadian philosophical and political beliefs and values. The interplay between liberal and communitarian traditions of Canadian political thought could provide the basis for this sort of model, though other contributions also need to be acknowledged and considered.     

Privatisation of Italian Cultural Heritage

Italy is home to much of the European cultural heritage, including artistic, archaeological, architectural and environmental heritage. Articles 7 and 22 (now 33), introduced in the Financial Act 2002 (now Law 112/2002) by the current Italian government, are privatising part of it. Already, objects from the mediaeval period to the 20th century have been sold to international investment firms and private investors for amounts that many Italian experts consider well below the median market price. Hundreds of other objects, among them temples, old cities, medieval palazzos, archaeological sites, museums, beaches and islands, are waiting to be sold. Currently, this case is not only a source of division in Italian politics but is also the subject of heated public debate. It highlights crucial social and cultural problems relating to global privatisation that the world community will have to face in the coming years.     

Secondary schools in Napoleonic Italy (1802–14)

Napoleon conceptualized public education, especially at the secondary level, as a tool designed to unify and strengthen the state. In France, he set up forty-five secondary schools, lycées, characterized by uniformity, a hierarchical structure, centralization, state control, and a standardized curriculum. He exported the French education system to his satellite states to help in ‘frenchifying’ them. This article discusses the establishment of secondary schools, licei, in the Republic and Kingdom of Italy (1802–14), exploring educational legislation and its implementation and the Direzione generale di pubblica istruzione that ran public education. The government created a liceo in each of the twenty-four departments. This article studies academic disciplines, teachers, books, student numbers, and other aspects that concerned the functioning of the schools. It assesses the consequences of the educational reforms and argues that the Napoleonic authorities laid the foundations of a modern public secondary school system in Italy.     

构建社会主义和谐社会的政治价值

政治价值是指那些为全社会所普遍认可和追求的理想政治目标和政治状态,是评价政治生活和政治发展的基本标准。追求国家的稳定、社会的和谐,历来是执政者治国的一个政治目标,也是人们普遍追求的一种理想。为此,本文认为,构建社会主义和谐社会,既要借鉴和吸收中西方传统政治文化中具有积极、合理的政治价值成分,也要不断探索人类共同追求的崇高价值取向,尽快形成转型时期的主流价值观,这就是与社会主义市场经济要求相适应的公平与正义观。     

Elite migrations in modern Italy: patterns of settlement,integration and identity negotiation

Abstract

Francesco Crispi has often appeared a paradoxical figure. In the earlier part of his life he was a revolutionary republican and a friend of Mazzini. After 1860 he accepted the monarchy, but remained very much a man of the Left and in many ways a quintessential democrat. Yet he ended his career as an authoritarian Prime Minister, a vigorous opponent of the Far Left, and an imperialist, who prorogued parliament and contemplated dispensing with representative government altogether. This article contends that Crispi's career has more coherence than is commonly suggested; it focuses on an important but hitherto neglected aspect of his thinking, namely the problem of how to achieve a sense of national consciousness in Italy through ‘political education’. The article traces the development of the idea of national political education throughout Crispi's career and argues that his two terms as Prime Minister in 1887–91 and 1893–6 can only be fully understood in the context of his long‐standing concern with this problem.     

Local Roots of Constitutionalism

Abstract

A former student reflects on the pedagogy and teaching career of Fr. James V. Schall, S.J. at Georgetown University.     

"You turn if you want to": The Questions a Pragmatic Political Theology Might Ask of Speculative Realism

Abstract

The question pursued in this article is what might a pragmatic (in the Rortyan sense) political theology ask speculative realists to contribute to its analyses and discussions. The article begins by discussing the potential reservations political theologians might have in employing Richard Rorty as a dialogue partner. It then considers the insights from Rorty that political theologians might value, namely a respect for Western democracy and pluralism, the desire to reform capitalism, and a deeper understanding of the relationship between Christianity and liberalism. These insights are discussed in dialogue with the radical orthodoxy of John Milbank. It is argued that Milbank and Rorty share post-foundational philosophical assumptions but arrive at different political conclusions with regard to democracy and capitalism. The paper makes the case for a pragmatic valuing of democracy and capitalism and a recognition of their Christian heritage.     

KARL POLANYI AND THE REALITY OF SOCIETY

This essay reconsiders Karl Polanyi's famous thesis about the “embeddedness” of the economy through an examination of two recent books: For a New West, a collection of previously unavailable essays by Polanyi, and Fred Block and Margaret R. Somers's The Power of Market Fundamentalism: Karl Polanyi's Critique. The guiding thread of this analysis is the claim that a constant in Polanyi's thought was his belief in what he called “the reality of society,” that is, that society exists as a social fact over and above the individuals that constitute it. The essay begins by tracing Polanyi's intellectual development, drawing primarily on the essays found in For a New West. Polanyi's quest to reconcile individual freedom with social solidarity led him first, in the years between the First and Second World Wars, to embrace liberal socialism, before his readings in anthropology persuaded him that traditional economies “embed” the economy in social relations and that the nineteenth‐century liberal project of a “disembedded” economy (through the so‐called free market) is a departure from this anthropological norm. The essay then examines and questions Block and Somers's claim that Polanyi maintained that the economy is always “already embedded,” arguing notably that Polanyi believed that the advent of market society entailed an economy that was actually disembedded from social relations, not merely one that was re‐embedded in an alternative set of institutions.