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1.

The Hebrew Bible is often characterized as a monotheistic book, but a closer inspection reveals that monotheistic passages represent only a thin and late layer: There are only six passages in the Deuteronomistic history that contain monotheistic vocabulary. They are late additions that belong to the latest editorial phases of the composition. They were probably added to the composition in the 5th century BCE or later. This means that the final shift to monotheistic conceptions, as far as the Deuteronomistic History is concerned, occurred in the Persian period. The monotheism of the Deuteronomistic History is “nationalistic.” Although other gods are assumed to be non-existent, the other nations are not invited to join the Israelites in their worship of Yahweh. This also reveals the preliminary stage of the monotheism. It is improbable that there is a planned religious system behind the monotheistic passages of the Deuteronomistic History. The authors are convinced that there is no other deity but Yahweh, but all the consequences of this view have not yet been drawn. The authors assume that Yahweh has already created humankind as well as the whole world. This idea is not found in the older texts. It is probable that the monotheistic authors are dependent on a later form of the Pentateuch, which already includes a creation story. The idea that Yahweh lived in heaven, whence he spoke to the Israelites, is also late. It is the end of the development caused by the destruction of Yahweh's physical representation in the temple where he lived: Yahweh moved to heaven. Differences between the monotheism of the Deuteronomistic History and Deutero-Isaiah are evident. Deutero-Isaiah is more open to the possibility that other nations worship Yahweh. Deutero-Isaiah also makes a connection between idol criticism and monotheism, whereas in the Deuteronomistic History these themes are found in different texts. Idol criticism seems to be older than monotheism. The differences between the monotheism of the Deuteronomistic History and Deutero-Isaiah suggest that none of them is dependent on the other. Although some mutual interaction and influence should not be excluded, they seem to be two distinct developments that took place in different contexts. While external influence is also possible, it seems that many roots of the monotheism of the Deuteronomistic History can be found in the older conceptions of Israel's religion and especially in the Deuteronomistic theology, which is a product of the events in 587 BCE. It is probable that without the destruction of the temple Israel's religion would not have developed monotheistic conceptions. In view of the literary development in the Deuteronomistic History, any pre-587 BCE dating of monotheistic conceptions or phraseology is improbable.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract

During the early stages of its evolution, the book of Kings was a history narrative uninfluenced by Deuteronomy. Later, as the scroll ceased to express an interpretation of the past—that is to say, ceased to be a history narrative—it began to reflect a literary dialogue with Deuteronomy. At no point in time was Kings both Deuteronomistic and a history, and it was not, therefore, a component of Martin Noth’s hypothetical Deuteronomistic History. Rather, the pre-canonical scroll is best defined as an anthology, or “reader,” of fanciful stories about fallible nebi’im (prophets and kings) who find themselves in relationship with a fallible patron god. Ironically, because Kings was preserved as sacred literature, its god has been reconceptualized, against the plain sense of the text, as a reliable, just, and compassionate patron god.  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT

Although there is general agreement among biblical scholars that Chronicles developed an own historiography in contradistinction to the Deuteronomistic History, some scholars have started emphasizing the commonalities between these histories. The present contribution is an attempt to contribute to this investigation in Chronicles studies. The investigation particularly focuses on a disputed example from Chronicles, namely the legal reforms of King Jehoshaphat, in order to establish what the relationship is between Chronicles and the Deuteronomic legal traditions.  相似文献   

4.

the author suggests the possibility that Judges 13-16, 17-21, and 2 Samuel 21-23 may have been added to the Deuteronomistic History in the late Persian or Hellenistic period, for this literature shows continuity with Greek literature. In particular, the author traces the similarities between the biblical account of the “Abduction at Shiloh” in Judges 21 with the account of the “Rape of the Sabine Women” found in Livy and Plutarch. Though the biblical author lived before these classical authors, the biblical author may have known an earlier version of the tale, as demonstrated by at least twelve plot similarities between the narratives.  相似文献   

5.
The paper relates the redaction history of Josh 9 to the development of legal concepts in Deuteronomy and beyond. It shows that the earliest version of the text provided an impartial portrayal of a peace treaty between Gibeon and Israel, which prepared for the events recounted in Josh 10. After the emergence of the law of ?ērem (Deut 20,15-18), this original version of Josh 9 implied an open contradiction to Deuteronomy’s warfare legislation. As a result, a first Deuteronomistic editor (D 1) introduced the idea that the Gibeonites had tricked the Israelites into making a covenant and thus saved their lives with deceit. At this stage of the literary development, the prohibition of making a covenant with the inhabitants of the land (e.g. Deut 7,2) was not in view yet. Compared to the ?ērem, the respective prohibition represents a later stage in the development of the legal material (perhaps triggered by the D 1 version of Josh 9). It is only reflected in a second Deuteronomistic layer (D 2) of the chapter, which should afterwards receive one more major editorial reworking by a priestly hand.  相似文献   

6.
A combined review of three volumes in the series Formation and Interpretation of Old Testament Literature. If these volumes intend to give an impression of the discussion among scholars of the Deuteronomistic History, and of the composition of the Pentateuch, the series is a failure, presenting mostly one side of the debate. On the other hand, the articles on the ancient reception history (nothing modern here) are excellent introductions into that discussion.  相似文献   

7.

David and Solomon, a new book by Israel Finkelstein and Niels Asher Silberman, through their discussion of Palestinian archaeology's current understanding, proposes to provide evidence to prove the accuracy of Frank Cross's more than 30 year old revision of Martin Noth's theory of a “Deuteronomistic History.” The authors attempt to confirm the history of the redaction of the biblical narratives about Saul, David and Solomon, involving seven distinct oral and four written strata of tradition. Their argument moreover claims the warrant to assert the historicity of each of these legendary kings of Israel. The present article argues to the contrary that the “archaeological evidence” proposed does not support such a redaction history nor establish the historicity of either the biblical figures or their stories, but that the harmony of biblical and archaeological issues is circular and illegitimate by the standards of historical research. It argues, moreover, that the claim of an oral tradition, reflecting original memories of an historical David or Saul is an entirely unnecessary and unlikely explanation for the origins of both the figures and their tales in the stories of 1-2 Samuel and 1 Kings. It moreover argues that the hypothesis of a redaction history in a succession of four cumulative revisions, beginning in the eighth century and completed in the sixth to fourth century, BCE—lacking as it does reference to a readable text—is neither critical nor falsifiable. Finally, Finkelstein and Silberman's book is judged as an unsuccessful attempt to return to the methods of “biblical archaeology” that were legitimately impeached in the mid-1970s.  相似文献   

8.
Abstracts     
Steven L. McKenzie, The Trouble with Kings. The Composition of the Book of Kings in the Deuteronomistic History. Leiden‐New York‐København‐Köln: E.J. Brill 1991, XII &; 183 pp. [Supplements to Vetus Testamentum 421 ISSN 0083–5889, ISBN 90 04 09402 4. Price Gld. 98,‐.

Stefari Timm, Moab zwischen den Mächten. Studien zu historischen Denkmälern und Texten. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz 1989, VII &; 516 pp. [Ägypten und Altes Testament 17]. ISSN 0720–9061, ISBN 3–447–02940–4. Price DM 128,‐.  相似文献   

9.
In this article I deal with the compositional history, geographical background and possible historical setting of Judges 4-5. I propose that the original heroic, oral material behind these chapters represents two different traditions: One (embedded in Chapter 4) originated in the area of Mount Tabor and the hills to its east and northeast and had the city of Anaharath (the name behind the pun or polemic twist of “Harosheth-ha-goiim”) at its core. The other (part of Chapter 5, 19-22) came from the southwestern Jezreel Valley. These traditions represent memories of turbulent 10th century BCE events—the fall of the last of the late-Canaanite city-states and the take-over of the region by highlanders (Israelites) just before, or in very early days of, the rise of the Northern Kingdom. They were put in writing for the first time by a North Israelite author in the first half of the 8th century. This author had only vague knowledge of the western valley tradition (Chapter 5); hence while composing the early song, he “imported” details from Chapter 4, merged the two tales into one account, and “expanded” both to portray a broad (North) Israelite scene. A Deuteronomistic author of the late 7th century BCE inserted the frames characteristic of the Book of Judges, harmonized Chapter 4 with the Jabin story in Joshua 11, included other “explanatory” notes and entered the divine intervention in Chapter 4. A Deuteronomistic author also introduced the adoration of YHWH segments in Chapter 5.  相似文献   

10.
Biblical scholars have applied new methodologies to the royal narratives in the Deuteronomistic History (Joshua–Kings) as viable resources for recovering authentic historical information regarding the monarchic cultures of ancient Israel and their impact on the development of Israelite religion. The present study considers anew the narratives regarding Israel's first king, Saul son of Kish. A recurring motif in these narratives is the appeal to socio‐religious convention, which is suggestive of a rhetorical strategy among the authors that sought to situate the Saulide royal lineage in familiar traditions that the institution of kingship was perceived as disrupting.  相似文献   

11.
This article explores one point of contrast between the characterizations of Benjamin-Judah relations in the DtrH and Chronicles. The argument is that the Deuteronomist offers a stereotype of Benjaminite “special forces,” which the Chronicler then co-opts in service of his own agenda. The remarkable aspect of this cooption is that the Chronicler does not retain or adapt any of the Deuteronomistic material that contributes to this Benjaminite stereotype, only the stereotype itself—i.e., the stereotype only manifests itself in the Sondergut material. The article suggests that the Chronicler repurposes the stereotype in service of a conciliatory agenda: the reincorporation of wealthy Benjaminites into the Jerusalem temple’s sphere of influence.

The irony of “Benjaminite” left-handedness is not a new observation; this essay suggests that they should be linked to the motif of “skill with long-distance weapons.” The two motifs are linked in three ways: 1) in practice, they represent a deviation from “regular” hand-to-hand warfare; 2) they overlap within the narratives; and 3) both are specifically linked to Benjaminites—left-handedness by the irony of the name, and long-distance weaponry by the fact that Benjaminites are characterized uniquely among the tribes by that skill (i.e., whenever Benjaminites are noted in a tribal list as having skill with the sling or bow, they are the only tribe that possesses that skill).  相似文献   


12.
13.
Abstract

The postdramatic theatre is explored as an alternative ethics of re-presentation in 2401 Objects by Analogue in relation to its stance on medicine and the neurosciences and to theatrical representation. The dual characters Henry Molaison/Patient HM are deconstructed as objects and the presentation of memory is deconstructed as an embodied but intangible artifact of performance. How Analogue ‘frame’ HM’s doctors and their own performance through the metaphor of the cryomicrotome and the Project HM of the Brain Observatory as a performance in its own right is examined.  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

The author reads an epigram by John Mauropous as an engagement with epic and biblical traditions. Critical studies of exile and return from different eras of the Greek literary tradition by Émile Benveniste, Gregory Nagy and Nancy Sultan are used to provide a theoretical approach to the tradition with which Mauropous engages. It is suggested that Mauropous' wanderings in the territory of the xenos and return to the familiar world of the philos, and especially his personification of his home as a trophos (nurse), allude to Homer, and that epic language and motifs strengthen the poet's assertion of selfhood and make ancient literary themes relevant to Mauropous' life as a scholar and churchman.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract

Nikos Gatsos' Amorgos is approached here as a polyphonic poem that synthesizes elements of the Greek literary tradition into an intertextual palimpsest of fragments, in the vein of the modernist 'long poem'. The surrealist poet maintains a fine balance between tradition and radical innovation, shaping Amorgos as a place where poetry is created as an interaction of opposing tendencies. The topical character of the poem is underscored by its title: the sea-and-land imagery evokes the island as a literary topos of seclusion and self-sufficiency that lends its characteristics to the composition itself: a 'compendium' of poetic writing and avant-garde aesthetics.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT

The concept of topoiesis of textual space addresses an analysis of the spatial elements that tend to provide a meaning to the literary text. Based on textual semiotics where there is an organized relational system of meanings, in this article we propose that it is possible to determine the function of space as a meaning issue from three different literary text instances (event or motive; character; and object). This distinction will permit a deeper interpretation of the sense of space in the literary text.  相似文献   

17.

This article is an attempt to develop a discussion within the archaeological world, with reference to a particular aspect of Russian hunting on Svalbard.

In general, such a discussion is vital, because the written sources concerning the Russian activity on Svalbard are rather weak (as is frequently the case with areas on the periphery of cultural centers).

Archaeology must therefore play an important role in the reconstruction of the archipelago's cultural history, even as recently as the 17th ‐19th centuries.  相似文献   

18.
Prince Kaunitz and the Balance of Power; Franz A.J. Szabo

The American Revolution in an International Perspective: Views from Bicentennial Symposia; Lawrence S. Kaplan

The Reign of Sir Edward Grey as British Foreign Secretary F.H. HINSLEY, ed. British Foreign Policy under Sir Edward Grey. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1977. Pp. 702; ZARA S. STEINER. Britain and the Origins of the First World War. New York: St Martins Press 1977. Pp. 305.; Samuel R. Williamson, Jr  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

The Graduate Center for Ancient Studies was established at the University of Minnesota in 1973. Archaeology as an interdisciplinary study plays a major role in the program. This article discusses the rationale and the operation of the Center.  相似文献   

20.
《Political Theology》2013,14(4):487-489
Abstract

The dualism between logos and praxis is still a root-cause of contemporary theological and religious discourse. Consequently, interreligious dialogue is divided as a field either related to comparative theology or philosophy or in pursuit of a common action for social justice. Instead of the traditional logos and the liberationist praxis, this paper will argue the Tao as an alternative paradigm that overcomes this dualism and is more germane to this age of globalization in the ecological crisis. It will propose three reconfigurations of interreligious dialogue; (1) from an "either-or" mode of thinking to a "bothand" way of life (T'ai-chi), (2) from an epistemology of knowing to a discernment of the way toward life in and through sociocosmic narratives of the exploited life (ch'i), and (3) from an ideologically motivated action based on a historico-anthropocentric subjectivity to a participatory embodiment in an intersubjective communion with the theanthropocosmic trajectory (Tao).  相似文献   

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