Further aspects of fur trade life depicted in the skeleton

Osteobiographies were reconstructed from the skeletal remains of four adults from Fort Edmonton, a 19th century trading post of the Canadian fur trade. Three males were Caucasoid and probably ethnic Scots, given the usual origin of fur traders in this region. The lone adult female in the sample was Mongoloid, either Indian or Métis, and likely the ‘country wife’ of a fur trader, since she was buried in the European tradition in the fort cemetery. The cause of death is not discernible from any of the skeletal remains and none of these individuals exhibit any evidence of chronic infectious disease, malnutrition or neoplasia. Trauma, arthritis and other indicators of physical stress do appear, however, and present an opportunity to expand our understanding of the effects of fur trade life on the skeleton. Viewed in the context of historical accounts of life at the fort in the early 19th century, stress markers on the skeletons of three males have led to the conclusion that they were voyageurs who engaged in trading trips by canoe or boat. Lesions of the capsule attachment area at the proximal tibio‐fibular articulation appear unilaterally in two males and may be associated with ‘mushing’ or driving a dog sled in winter. The musculoskeletal lesions on the one preserved female skeleton are consistent with the arduous domestic activities documented at the fort, which include milking cows, churning butter, stirring lye soap, and harvesting grain and root vegetables by hand. Since specific occupations or behaviours cannot be precisely determined from muscular attachment and other stress markers, these interpretations are made cautiously and only in the culture‐historical context of the skeletal sample. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Comments on economic change and the prehistoric fur trade in Northern Sweden

In this study, we used stable isotope analysis and radiocarbon dating to study diet, mobility and chronology in two late medieval/historical coastal populations in northern Norway. We have shown that the individuals buried at Kirkegårdsøya date between 1331 and 1953 cal AD and had a homogenous marine diet, whereas the individuals buried at Gullholmen had a more heterogeneous diet, consisting of both terrestrial and marine proteins and date between 1661 and 1953 cal AD. We have demonstrated that reindeer protein was not an important part of their diet, and also discussed the importance of correcting for the marine reservoir effect in populations with a coastal subsistence. Our interpretation is that individuals buried at Kirkegårdsøya primarily belonged to a Coastal Sámi community, although Norwegians with a similar diet (and likely comprising a minor population in the area) cannot be ruled out. The more varied diet and mobility at Gullholmen could, as predicted, indicate that these individuals may have had a more diverse cultural affinity.     

16-17世纪英国商业资金的投向

16、1 7世纪发达的国内外贸易为英国带来巨大的财富 ,这些财富的流向直接涉及资本主义起源问题。本文比较详细地考察了商业资金的四种投向 :海外扩张与殖民地开拓事业 ;工矿企业 ;包税与借贷 ;买田置地。     

16-17世纪英格兰占星医学的流行及其原因分析

占星医学是16-17世纪英格兰社会实践的重要组成部分,研究占星医学可以从一个侧面揭示英格兰社会的肌理,有助于我们更好地理解这个时代。占星术认为宏观的宇宙影响着地球上的一切。这一时期最著名的占星家是西蒙·福尔曼和理查德·纳皮尔。占星医学神秘的仪式感、占星医学把疾病放在更广阔的背景下进行解释、占星家试图通过深奥的“科学”来解释这个世界的谜题是占星医学流行的主要原因。占星医学填补了当时医疗市场的不足,并为时人提供了宗教之外纾解病痛和压力的渠道。当时也存在对占星医学质疑的声音,认为它是迷信的、骗人的把戏。     

海贸与移民互动:17-18世纪闽南人移民海外原因分析--以闽南人移民台湾为例

17-18世纪是闽南人海外移民的高潮时期,也是台湾移民社会形成和发展时期.台湾移民以闽南人为主,可说是闽南社会在海峡对岸的延伸.推动闽南人移民海外的内因是明中叶以来的人口压力,而16世纪中叶欧人东来以后带动的商贸和东亚、东南亚沿海地区的开发使对中国商贩和劳力的需求大增,则是吸引闽南移民的拉力.在整个17-18世纪,始终存在着华人海上商贸和海外移民的互动.闽南人冒险、重商的人文精神,则是使这种推力与拉力作用得以实现的主观原因.17世纪20年代以来,由泉籍郑氏集团主导的海外华商网络和台湾开发则是台湾泉籍人多于漳籍人和泉籍人主导台湾商贸的主要原因,这与17-18世纪海外华商网络和华人社会以闽南人为主、闽南籍者又以泉府人居多是相一致的.     

Naturwissenschaft und Religion in den Niederlanden um 1600

Dutch science flourished in the late sixteenth and in the seventeenth century thanks to the immigration of cartographers, botanists, mathematicians, astronomers and the like from the Southern Netherlands after the Spanish army had captured the city of Antwerp in 1585, and thanks to the religious and the socio-economic situation of the country. A strong impulse for practical scientific activities started from the Reformation, mainly thanks to its anti-traditional attitude, which had an anti-rationalistic tendency. Therefore, in the Northern Netherlands there was no ‘warfare’ between science and religion and the biblical arguments leading to Galileo's condemnation were not used. Although the growth of the exact sciences and of technology in the late sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries in Protestant cirles may be partly attributed to the expansion of trade, industry, navigation and so on, this does not explain why there was also at the same time a great interest in subjects as botany and zoology, which had no immediate economic utility. There were discussions about Copernicanism and Cartesianism. So a number of astronomers and theologians rejected the earth's movement on scientific and religious grounds, but there were also those who did not reject the Copernican system on biblical grounds. In the seventeenth century there was much discussion between science and religion in the Northern Netherlands, but that discussion was not followed by censure by the Church of the State. In the Republic there was a large amount of intellectual freedom in the study of the natural sciences, thanks to practical and ideological considerations. In the eighteenth century the seventheenth century tension between science and religion changed into a physicotheological natural science. It was believed that investigations into the workings of nature should lead to a better understanding of its Creator. So Bernard Nieuwentijt in his well-known book: The right use of-world views for the conviction of atheists and unbelievers (1715) intended to prove the existence of God on the basis of teleological arguments.     

Wortbrechungen und hypermetra in den oden des horaz

The author seeks to present a broader examination of those elements of form and content which are common to poems 8 and 9 from the second book of Propertius’ Elegies and which provide a reason for considering these two poems as counterparts. Particular attention is focused on how the motifs of the wheel of fortune and death for love are handled, and to mythological references which are present in both elegies in the form of the exempla from the Trojan and Theban Cycles. The author's aim is to demonstrate how it is possible to broaden the interpretation of a single poem by means of comparative analysis with its counterpart.     

Das Reisen ist des Chemikers Lust - auf den Spuren Robert Bunsens. Zu Robert Wilhelm Bunsens 100. Todestag

The article deals with an aspect of the famous German chemist Robert Bunsen which has not been of much notice so far: his journeys. During his stay in Heidelberg (from 1852 on) Bunsen journeyed up to four months a year. Up to the age of seventy-eight, he travelled twice almost every year either in spring or autumn when there were no lectures at the university. He made his journeys for reasons of pleasure and in need of rest from teaching and research. In the 19th century such frequency of travelling was quite unusual even for a bachelor like Bunsen. Beeing an enthusiastic wayfarer Bunsen also travelled far away often, so for example to Italy twelve times (even to Sicily), four times to Scotland and England, and twice to Mallorca. - Bunsen's first nine week journey to Italy in 1843 disappointed him as to its scientific outcome. This journey was a turning-point since he had travelled before for scientific purposes only, beginning with the postdoctoral trip which Bunsen took 1831/32 (sponsored by his sovereign, the king of Hannover) to Berlin, Paris and Vienna for education and information matters. The article sets this journey as well as subsequent travels focusing on science (information, professional communication, experimental team-work) in the framework of continuing academic training. In the end of the 18th and in the 19th century such journeys for further academic education were mainly done at public expense by chemists and geologists as well as by mining and steel scientists to prepare and qualify themselves as either university professors or administrators for mining metallurgical industry. All these various forms of travelling (postdoctoral educational travels at public expense, scientific journeys, meetings for experimental team-work, expeditions, and recreational trips) served the communication within the scientific community. No one who wanted to belong to this community was able to escape such form of communication.