冷战后日本政党格局变化及对中日关系的影响

冷战后日本政党格局的变化,一是形成以自民党为核心的联合政权,并未真正出现一个与自民党相抗衡的政党;二是各政党之间意识形态对立消失,日趋保守化。加之冷战后政党在外交决策中作用的加强等因素的影响,对中日关系造成了消极影响。     

A Long and Unfortunate Voyage Towards the 'Invention' of the Melanesia/Polynesia Distinction 1595-1832* * Translated from French by Isabel Ollivier

In 1875, Methodist George Brown arrived in the Bismarck Archipelago to establish the New Britain Mission. Based in the Duke of York Islands, Brown's territory covered New Ireland and the Gazelle Peninsula of New Britain. The mission was one of the first to be photographed from its inception. The Australian Museum holds 96 plates from the first five years of the mission. Brown's photographs are a visual record of conditions and peoples of the time. Analysed in relation to Brown's writings they are indicative of the relationships and bonds established through photography both in the mission field and across wider scientific and church audiences. The methodology employed here also challenges the kinds of interpretations of photographs that can arise from visual analyses relying solely on the caption and the posing of the subject.     

Dimensions of Global Economic Restructuring and the Idea of Decentralisating Labour Relations in Australia

Though always more exposed than many other countries to the vicissitudes of international competition, Australia seems to have become increasingly vulnerable to the pressures accompanying global restructuring. This much is evident in the pattern of foreign debt, the balance of payments and trade, and fluctuations in our exchange rate. Media paranoia over the day-to-day pegormance of macro-indicators obscures, however, the pressures global restructuring has brought against the integrity and efficacy of our major institutions Not only have there been serious questions raised about the usefulness of the centralised arbitration system in the context of global restructuring, the Australian labour movement itself faces an uncertain future. Notwithstanding the claimed virtues of an enterprise-based labour relations system, there are good reasons to suppose that a decentralised system would have its own problems in accommodating rapid economic change. In this respect, the search for an American-style decentralised institutional regime may be ill-advised; more useful may be an enhanced capacity to adjust within the current framework of Australian labour relations.     

Water,Geopolitics, and Economic Development in the Conceptualization of a Region

Two U.S.-based geographers outline three dimensions (geopolitical, economical, and biophysical) used to define the basin of the Mekong River as a region, which reveal multi-scalar water governance policies and discourses that lie at the core of current challenges and tensions within the basin. Drawing on their extensive knowledge and fieldwork, the authors demonstrate that processes integral to the framing of the Mekong as a region of economic integration and international cooperation (water resource development through construction of large dams) conflict sharply with the functioning of the Mekong as a region of highly connected biophysical processes. The approach utilized in the paper can be applied to the study of other transboundary river-basin regions in Eurasia and elsewhere facing similar contradictions among the geopolitical, economic, and biophysical dimensions used to define them. By focusing on a region as constructed simultaneously through multiple social and biophysical processes, the authors contribute to current debates within geography and related fields on the nature of regions.     

Contemporary Social Change as the Context for Geographical Enquiry: Towards a Reinvigoration of the Concept of Place

The nature of contemporary social change is explored by posing questions about the implications of neoliberalism, the character of leisure, the perils of materialism, and the shift from consumption to consumerism. Momentum is a powerful force in human affairs. Investigating its nature illustrates how the concept of equilibrium has been given undue emphasis in models of human behaviour. Momentum encourages ‘more of the same’ and is implicated in the way people fail to use leisure fully or effectively and in the way they subscribe to an emphasis on materialism and consumption as a path to happiness. Geography needs to engage with popular social scientific writing if it is to have a place in public intellectual debate. In many ways contemporary social change promises a reinvigoration of the concept of place and therefore challenges to both the substance and nature of geographical inquiry.     

Basic Data on the Territory of the USSR and its Physical Characteristics

A gas-industry economist outlines a series of geographical and economic arguments in favor of transmitting natural gas from Tyumen' Oblast to the European part of the USSR via the Middle Urals rather than along the northern route through Komi ASSR, as now planned. In his view, the Middle Urals route would be more economical by providing more direct access to major consuming areas and avoiding the northern hostile environment with its inevitable increase in construction costs.     

清季藩属观念调适与边疆政策变化

19世纪 70至 90年代 ,面对列强侵略 ,清朝在传统体制框架内对藩属政策进行了调整 ,重心是扶持属国强大以抵御侵略并巩固中国边防 ,并据此对属国采取不同对策 ,或强化宗主权 ,或采取消极政策。强化对朝宗主权及在越南、缅甸寻求建立缓冲区是这种政策变化的产物。其思想倾向是和平的 ,和帝国主义对外扩张政策无涉。     

边界:建立睦邻友好国家关系的纽带和桥梁

本文就边界研究中的一系列重大问题,诸如边界概念、边界研究的内容和特点、边界研究中必须注意区别的几种关系、边界变化的规律、边界研究的条件和意义,以及我国过去边界问题研究的教训等,逐一进行了理性的思考,并在这种理性思考的过程中,根据新时期的新形势和我国政府提出的新安全观、国际观与睦邻友好的外交政策,提出边界是建立睦邻友好国家关系的纽带和桥梁的论点,进而提出边界学概念。期望能对我国边界理论的建设和边界问题研究事业的进展有所助益。     

历代王朝北疆经略及与北疆各族关系研究（1989-1998）

关于历代王朝对北疆地区经略的研究,在1989年-1998年10年的时间里取得了较大的成绩,尤其是关于历代王朝北疆政策的研究取得了令人注目的成就,主要表现是,大量具有一定学术价值的论著的发表使这方面的研究已经成为一个热点。     

《苏日中立条约》签订的国际背景及其对中苏关系的影响

关于1941年4月签订的《苏日中立条约》及其对中国抗日战争的影响,已有多篇论发表,但由于资料的不足,难以深人。C．JI．齐赫斯基1990年发表的论(1941年苏日中立条约的缔结》,并未揭示事实真相,而是为当时的苏联对外政策辩护。近年关于缔结《苏日中立条约》谈判的苏联档案的公布,使我们对这一问题的深人探讨有了新的依据。本拟从第二次世界大战爆发前后国际关系变化的角度论述《苏日中立条约》的签订及其对中苏关系的影响。     

抗战前后中国知识分子对日外交立场之演变 --以中国太平洋国际学会为例

“中日关系问题”是1931-1945年间太平洋国际学会讨论的重点之一。中国太平洋国际学会的会员在“中日冲突”的问题上,先是主张忍让,继而主张抵抗,继而主张彻底打败日本。这种态度上的演变既是中国知识分子对中国及世界局势认识演变的结果,也与列强的对华政策和对日本扩张所持的态度转变有关。     

Anthropocentricity and the Archaeological Record: Towards a Sociology of Things

Recent years witnessed an assurgent criticism of anthropocentrism in the social sciences, arguing for more balanced approaches to the study of humans and non-humans as equally responsible for the constitution of society. These claims lean heavily on philosophical grounds, noting that the focus on the human subject is guided by modernist binary oppositions and produces an inappropriate image of society. However, the problems anthropocentricity poses for archaeology are unique, and these received little attention. It is argued that efforts to discover the human subject forces archaeologists to continuously compensate for its absence. A shift of focus from the nexus of humans and things to the nexus of things and other things is proposed, arguing that the relationships among the various components and features of the archaeological record embody social relations in themselves.     

战后国际关系与我国建国初"一边倒"方针的形成

"一边倒"是新中国成立初期独立自主和平外交政策框架中最核心的方针.它的形成与第二次世界大战结束前后的国际关系密切相关.当时的国际关系有两条线索:一是雅尔塔体系的建立;二是冷战的开始与两大阵营的形成.这使中国不能置身局外,中间道路难以行得通,"一边倒"就是在这样一个复杂的国际背景下酝酿形成的.与此同时,国际形势的变化包括两大阵营的出现,也使斯大林不得不重新考虑苏联的远东战略,包括对中共和国民党的态度,这使"一边倒"的出现最终成为可能.     

Public Policy and Intergovernmental Relations: Measuring Perceived Change(s) in National Influence-The Effects of the Federalism Decade

Federal grants-in-aid have been a major instrument for the exercise of national influence on the states. This research investigates empirically the degree of perceived national influence (PNI) exerted through the grant process during the 1970s and 1980s. Respondents were state administrators heading agencies that received federal grants. Surveys at four points in time across the two decades produced a unidimensional measure of PNI. PNI levels were notably higher in the 1970s than in the 1980s. Two competing explanations were offered to account for the decline: (a) intergovernmental institutional policy changes promoted by the Ronald Reagan administration from 1981 through 1988, and (b) symbolic and rhetorical advocacy of an altered (reduced) national role in relation to the states. Both factors appear to have contributed to sharp decline in PNI between the mid-1970s and the mid-1980s.     

中国核武器的发展与中苏关系的破裂(1954-1962)(连载一)

近年来中国发展核武器的问题在中苏关系的演进中,特别是在中苏关系破裂中的作用引起学术界的重视.作者根据陆续出版和解密的中国和苏联方面的相关文献档案,对中国发展核武器的基本战略考虑、中国核武器的发展与中苏关系演进的互动关系、苏联政策的变化的动因以及此种变化对中苏关系破裂的影响进行深入分析:认为中国核武器的发展与中苏关系的破裂是一个互动的过程.中国发展核武器在当时背景下,只能争取苏联的援助,苏联向中国提供发展核武器的技术,有其特殊历史背景.1958年下半年后,随着两国在意识形态、对时代和国际形势以及核武器的态度等问题产生重大分歧,这些事件直接或间接促使苏联停止援助中国发展核武器.这成为中苏关系破裂的重要标志,也成为日后中苏论战的一个重要论题.