Gendered Politics and Nationalised Homes: Women and the anti-colonial struggle in Delhi, 1930-47

The aim of this article is to highlight the ways in which women achieved agency in a nationalist movement that, while encouraging female participation, attempted to spatially delimit this activity to the home. While nationalist historiographies have acknowledged those women who left the home and joined nationalist protests in public, there were many more women supporting those processions and meetings in private. While the home cannot be considered outside of the community, local or national scale activities that framed it, an examination of the varieties of political participation within the home should help revise Partha Chatterjee's suggestion that the Indian middle-class home was a site of silencing and resubjection. Combining interview material with archival evidence, this research investigates the ways in which women in Delhi between 1930 and 1947 responded to Gandhi's call to be politically active from the home. Using the work of bell hooks on 'homeplaces', the home is portrayed as a potentially political space of anti-colonial resistance, rather than an apolitical site of withdrawal, oppression or safety.     

Roy L. Heller,Discourse Linguistics,and the Tower of Babel (Genesis 11,1-9)

Roy L. Heller’s Narrative Structure and Discourse Constellations has proven to be a useful tool in the hands of the discourse linguist. His work in discourse linguistics has advanced the state of scholarship previously developed Robert E. Longacre and Alviero Niccacci. With specific interest in Heller’s work, this paper explores his argument for the form and function of discourse linguistics and its application to biblical Hebrew (BH). To accomplish this task, this paper, first, will provide a summarizing presentation of Heller’s working model of discourse linguistics as seen in Narrative Structure and Discourse Constellations. Second, I will take Heller’s working model and apply it to the tower of Babel narrative (Gen 11,1-9). Third, stemming from the application of Heller’s model, I will enter into a discussion with his discourse linguistic theory to critique its value for those interested in discourse linguistics.     

晚清教科之"科学"概念的生成与演化(1901-1905)

19、20世纪之交,"科学"一词在中国初现,虽与教育相关,却不特指分科教育.新政时期,中国朝野皆以日本教育作为汲取"科学"的管道,使得晚清新教育与日本"科学"紧密结合,从而形成教科意义上的"科学"概念.这种"科学"概念的生成体现了朝野各方"以日为师"方向上的同一性,但"科学"意义之上负载了不同的政治理想.清政府整体移植日本官办教育体系,以期巩固"政教合一"的专制政权.在野士人通过教育接引日本的启蒙思想,从中寻求改造社会的思想资源,二者在政治上的对立越演越烈.教科之"科学"的生成是"科学"概念在教育领域泛化的结果,它在学术与政治两方面都动摇了清政府的专制统治.     

Negotiating for Space and Autonomy: Strategies of Finnish Missionary Women in Japan, 1900-1941

ABSTRACT. This article focuses on the strategies Finnish women used to influence their status and the missionary practices in the Japan mission of the Lutheran Evangelical Association of Finland during the early part of the 20th century. Women had a head-start in the mission compared to men but lost this later as the organization developed. However, the early years demonstrate how women were able to gain a foothold simply by exceptional circumstances, such as a political turmoil. The crisis years of the Finnish mission in the early 1910s illustrate how organizational rigidity was created at the cost of women's status, but also that everyday work carried out separately from the men's work offered women satisfactory roles regardless of the patriarchal structure. An additional strategy is introduced by the career of one missionary, Siiri Uusitalo. A lifelong career in the mission and a pioneer's status enabled Siiri Uusitalo to carve out an independent position inside the Finnish mission which can be defined as matriarchal. Through the Finnish female missionaries, the contested male control of the mission in the Japanese context is discussed. The article presents one historically unique case that nevertheless points to certain patterns in contesting and redefining the gendered hierarchy in a religious community amidst a foreign culture.     

"But burn - no": the rest of the crowd in three civil disorders in 1960s Chicago

Examining the internal dynamics of three civil disturbances on the West Side of Chicago during the late 1960s, this article describes the presence of numerous people who were not participating in the upheaval. It pays particular attention to “counterrioters,” civilian residents of the neighborhoods and members of local organizations, who tried to persuade those engaging in violence to stop. Local dissent from the tactic of violence suggests that historians should describe these events using the neutral language of social science rather than the politically loaded labels of “riot” or “rebellion.” The article argues that American historians of urban disorders should use the methods of European scholars of the crowd to study the actions of participants in order to ascertain their political content, rather than relying on an examination of their motives.     

The Genesis of the 1906 Trades Disputes Act: Liberalism, Trade Unions, and the Law

The Trades Disputes Act of 1906 occupies an important positionin the history of trade unionism, industrial relations, andlabour politics. Far less attention has been devoted to itsplace in the development of Liberal politics. Historians ofliberalism tend to portray the act as an uninteresting reversionto the pre-Taff Vale position and symptomatic merely of theparty's desire to placate labour. This article suggests thatexisting accounts of the Act's genesis place insufficient emphasison its Liberal origins and that arguments about trade unionlaw provide important insights into the character of the partyand its creed. The argument is in three parts. The first considersthe constraints on liberal legislators. The second investigatesthe meaning of the debates surrounding the Act's passage. Itrestores the Act to its proper intellectual context by recoveringthe variety of views about trade union law present in Edwardianliberalism. The last section uses these arguments to demonstrateboth the resilience of radicalism within the party and the emergenceof a novel social democratic progressivism. Only thus, it isclaimed, is it possible to understand the passage and meaningof the Act. * A number of people have helped in the preparation of thisarticle. I would like to thank David Armutage, Eugeruo Biagiru,Elizabeth Emens, Jon Lawrence, Nomi Levy, Alastair Reid, EmmaRothschild, Lisa Tiersen and Philip Waller I benefited greatlyfrom the comments of the anonymous referees and the assistanceof the editors of Twentieth Century British History. I owe aspecial debt of gratitude to David Cannadine, Peter Clarke andVictoria de Grazia.