试析明代宦官内操的兴衰及特点

有明一代,宦官的势力遍及帝国中枢和地方要塞,对明朝政治、经济、军事以及文化等各方面都产生了巨大的影响。就军事上来说,自明中期以来,宦官不仅提督京营、监军统兵、镇守地方,而且还在皇城大内演兵习武,同时也为皇帝举行军事体育娱乐活动,史称"内操"。本文主要根据《明实录》、《明史》以及明清历史笔记等相关史料梳理出明代宦官内操的兴衰历程,并分析其不同时期的阶段性特点,力求对明宦官史、宫廷史研究有所增益。     

黑山会的故事:明清宦官政治与民间社会

关于明清时期宦官的研究 ,以往史学界多从政治史的角度入手 ,探讨宦官干政及其与皇权的关系。本文从黑山会这样一个宦官的祭祀组织出发 ,探讨他们塑造刚铁这样一个宦官祖神的意义 ,从新的角度理解宦官政治 ,并进而探索宦官与京师民间社会的关系 ,以及他们在宫廷与民间社会之间的中介角色     

"Dead or Banished": A Comparative Reading of the Stories of King Oedipus and King David

The rise and fall of two of the most famous legendary kings, Oedipus and David, seem to bear great resemblance to each other. This is especially the case in the central narrative of Sophocles' Oedipus the King and the Second Book of Samuel where the kings are usurped by a close relative upon the intercession of a violent third party. The article argues that the stories are based on conventions of the rise and fall of a sacred king who restores order to a violent and “plagued” kingdom. It proposes a comparative reading of the texts, in conjunction with an anthropological reading in accordance with the insights of Rene Girard. This will provide not only a way of reading these ancient texts but also give insight into the perspective of and reality referred to in the texts. This is to read the text with appreciation of the dynamics of text and reader through the anthropological perspective opened up by the recognition of the victim.     

亚述帝国的“拉科苏”士兵探析

亚述帝国的"拉科苏"(raksu)士兵是宦官长麾下国王卫队的精锐。尽管"拉科苏"士兵主要由被征服地区的人员组成,但是他们享受免赋役的特权。公元前9世纪末和公元前8世纪初,实力雄厚的亚述高官企图挑战国王的权威,国王依靠宦官长及其统帅的国王卫队保住了王位。国王论功行赏,擢升宦官长,豁免其麾下忠勇士兵的赋役,"拉科苏"士兵于是应运而生。随着大量俘虏的收编,国王卫队的规模不断扩大,进而发展成为亚述帝国的常备军,并在对外扩张中大显身手。国王奖赏常备军表现卓异的士兵,"拉科苏"士兵不时出现。亚述帝国末期,实力膨胀的宦官长觊觎王位,国王的近卫军可能是其谋逆的帮凶,"拉科苏"士兵或卷入其中。"拉科苏"士兵的出现及其功能的异化与亚述政局的变化密切相关。     

唐代宦官的籍贯分布

本文详细地统计了唐代宦官的籍贯情况,论述了宦官籍贯的分布规律。认为唐代宦官北方籍的人多于南方籍,在北方尤以关内道人数最多,并分析了形成这种分布状态的原因,指出所谓闽、岭为宦官区薮的传统说法,并不符合历史事实。     

Apprentices,Goldsmiths, and the North in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century England

Abstract

The story of King Edgar being rowed on the River Dee at Chester in 973 by eight subordinate kings was once well known. This article examines how it was used in popular history writing from the eighteenth century onwards, with greatest development in the mid nineteenth century, and subsequent decline into its present obscurity. It served English political and cultural ends, being used to demonstrate the natural superiority of that race over the others in the Union, particularly the Scots. Decline of imperial sentiment and ignorance of pre-Conquest history have relegated it to incidental mention in county histories.     

“Neptune to the Common-wealth of England” (1652): the “Republican Britannia” and the continuity of interests

ABSTRACT

In the seventeenth century, John Kerrigan reminds us, “models of empire did not always turn on monarchy”. In this essay, I trace a vision of “Neptune’s empire” shared by royalists and republicans, binding English national interest to British overseas expansion. I take as my text a poem entitled “Neptune to the Common-wealth of England”, prefixed to Marchamont Nedham’s 1652 English translation of Mare Clausum (1635), John Selden’s response to Mare Liberum (1609) by Hugo Grotius. This minor work is read alongside some equally obscure and more familiar texts in order to point up the ways in which it speaks to persistent cultural and political interests. I trace the afterlife of this verse, its critical reception and its unique status as a fragment that exemplifies the crossover between colonial republic and imperial monarchy at a crucial moment in British history, a moment that, with Brexit, remains resonant.     

Russia,China, and the universalism of modernity: the “Account of the Reforms of Peter the Great” by Kang Youwei

ABSTRACT

This paper analyzes a short essay by Kang Youwei (1858–1927) – one of the intellectual and political protagonists of late imperial and early Republican China. In it, he interpreted the historical experience of Russian modernization under Peter the Great (1672–1725) and used it as a “success story” for the renewal of Chinese monarchical institutions. It was written in 1898 and presented to the Manchu throne under the title “Account of the Reforms of Peter the Great”, and for our purposes will be the departing point for a “global intellectual circuit” through which the following questions will be addressed: Why was seventeenth and eighteenth century Russia considered as a model for China by the author? How did he manage to adapt the historical experience of Russia into a social and political conceptual framework for China? What was Kang’s historiographical method, and what kind of philosophy of history framed his reflections? What does this short essay tell us about Kang’s view on “Westernization”, on the concept of “modernity” itself, and on its use for historiographical purposes?     

Isaiah 16: A Forgotten Chapter in the History of Messianism

ABSTRACT

Within the Isaianic oracle against Moab (15,1-16,14) is found what might be described as a neglected royal prophecy (16,4b-5). Evidence for its messianic character is found in a number of clear thematic similarities with other Isaianic passages of a decidedly messianic character, notably Isa 9,1-7 (Heb. 8,23-9.6) and 11,1-9. In each case, the text is futuristic in orienta-tion, the anticipated enthronement (or arrival) of a Davidic ruler follows the overthrow of the foreign oppressor, God is credited as producing this new sit-uation, and the promised ruler shows a devotion to “justice” and “righteous-ness”, which in Isaiah 16 takes the form of giving consideration to a Moabite appeal for amnesty. A similar pattern is found in Isaiah 32, with its picture of human kings with a limited judicial role within a kingdom set up by God. The phrase “the tent of David” (16,5) is shown to signify the sanctuary-city of Zi-on, with Isa 16,4b-5 providing an eschatological picture of divine protection mediated by a messianic ruler.     

Tocqueville on Pantheism,Materialism, and Catholicism

Abstract

It is widely acknowledged that Leo Strauss was an extraordinary scholar and teacher who strove to open up forgotten vistas of philosophical inquiry. Gigantic controversy rages, however, about the sorts of political and social changes, if any, that he hoped to promote. The fire has been fueled by the alleged contributions of Straussians to the Iraq War—and by the publication of Strauss's 1933 letter that commended “fascist, authoritarian, and imperial” principles. This article reviews and then updates the assessments proffered in my 2009 book (Straussophobia) about the state of the “Strauss Wars.” Critics such as Shadia Drury continue to embarrass themselves in prestigious venues, but newer voices are using innovative strategies to argue that Strauss was attempting to undermine the principles of American democracy. Whereas William Altman relies on “esoteric interpretations” of Strauss's writings, Alan Gilbert illuminates Strauss's behind-the-scenes efforts regarding policy disputes. Although I maintain that Gilbert and especially Altman have made invaluable contributions, I argue that they both overreach.     

The Particle γάρ: From Ancient Greek Sentence Connector to Blatant Line Filler? A Case-study on the Late Medieval Greek Chronicle of Morea

Ancient Greek is widely regarded as a language with an extraordinary number of so-called “Wackernagel P2 particles” such as γ?ρ, δ(?), and μ?ν, which serve a multitude of discourse functions. From the post-Classical period on, however, these small words gradually lose their importance in discourse and die out. This is reflected in the interest of scholars: while there are many studies on particles in older stages of Greek, not much research has been conducted on the particles in late medieval Greek (LMG; twelfth to fifteenth centuries). At this stage of the Greek language, the P2 particles are acknowledged to no longer be part of the living spoken language. Nonetheless, some of these small words still turn up in texts written in the vernacular. Since most LMG vernacular literature is composed in the metre of the 15-syllabic πολιτικ?? στ?χο? (vernacular prose being extremely scarce in this period), these occurrences are traditionally explained by appealing to metrical and/or stylistic reasons: the particles constitute archaizing relics merely inserted to give a classicizing flavour to the text, or are even used “metri causa”, simply to achieve the required number of syllables. In this note, I present a case-study on the “explanatory” particle γ?ρ (“for”) in the Chronicle of Morea, the best-known verse chronicle of the Greek Middle Ages. I show that γ?ρ is more than a blatant line filler. First, γ?ρ is not at all distributed at random, but consistently occupies P2 and thus obeys the so-called “Law of Wackernagel”, as the particles in Ancient Greek do. Moreover, γ?ρ can still exert a clear discourse function, albeit often a different one than in Ancient Greek.     

Obscenity,Moral Contagion and Masculinity: Hijras in Public Space in Colonial North India

Abstract:

In the 1850s, the British “discovered” a community of transgender eunuch performers, the hijras, and legislated for their surveillance and control under the Criminal Tribes Act (CTA) in 1871. This article examines how the British dealt with transgender colonial subjects and the implications for our understanding of colonial masculinities. In particular, I analyse colonial attempts to erase hijras as a visible socio-cultural category and gender identity in public space through the prohibition of their performances and feminine dress. This case study demonstrates, first, how masculinity intersected with a broad range of colonial projects, agendas and anxieties. Focusing on the problematic presence of cross-dressing and performing hijras in public space, I examine how colonial attempts to order public space and reinforce political borders dovetailed with discourses of masculinity, obscenity and contagion. Second, I argue that attempts to discipline masculinity and obscenity were uneven in practice, meaning the CTA had varying localised impacts upon hijras. The lack of interest of some British officials in regulating hijras, inadequate policing resources, and pragmatic compromises opened up gaps in surveillance that hijras grasped and expanded, frustrating colonial attempts to transform their bodies and behaviours.     

1919 in dynamic East Asia: March First and May Fourth as a starting point for revolution

Abstract

The March First Movement and the May Fourth Movement are like mirrors reflecting each other’s relationship. This article uses the concept of “simultaneity” in global history to reevaluate the significance of both events in world history. It also examines the differences exhibited by the simultaneity of the two events from the perspective of an “interconnected East Asia.” After entering the world-system, imperial Japan, semi-colonial China, and colonial Korea occupied different positions within its hierarchical structure. Here we need to pay attention to the status-diverse but mutually influential conditions in East Asia. To see through the complexity of (semi)colonial modernity and find the inherent opportunities to overcome modernity, it is useful to analyze the “double project” of adapting to modernity and overcoming modernity. Since the 1920s, the two events have been continually reinterpreted in the vein of socio-historical changes. The question of how to remember the two is not only a historical question but also a practical question for the present. Now is truly the methodological turning point in exploring and reinterpreting the two events. The author will use the terms “March First Revolution” and “May Fourth Revolution” in an attempt to tackle this issue. The mass gatherings that took place during March First and May Fourth provide sufficient evidence to support the use of “revolution” to describe them. Although March First and May Fourth are part of two respective histories of Korea and China, at the same time they are part of East Asia’s and the world’s interconnected history.     

“Machiavellian” Instruction: Why Hesiod’s Ainos Has No Moral

Hesiod’s fable (ainos) of the hawk and the nightingale, addressed to kings, notoriously has no moral. Its depiction of a hawk carrying off a nightingale, preaching the futility of either resistance or pleading, appears to communicate the counsel, commonly designated as “Machiavellian,” that a ruler must know how to imitate a beast as well as a man. Such instruction—which advises that unjust actions are justifiable and necessary for a ruler—is clearly at odds with Hesiod’s explicit exhortations to his brother Perses to work hard and avoid hubris, and his caution that unjust kings or lords (basileis) will be punished by Zeus. I argue that Hesiod’s addressing the fable to kings “who themselves have understanding” explains the lack of a moral. To substantiate my claim I compare Hesiod’s and Machiavelli’s ranking of intellects, and illuminate Hesiod’s position with particular reference to and comparison with Machiavelli’s Prince, and examples drawn from the Old Testament and Old Irish law.     

“If I were hungry,I would not tell you” (Ps 50, 12): Perspectives on the Care and Feeding of the Gods in the Hebrew Bible

Abstract

In the Hebrew Bible, sacrifices are described as food for Yahweh and thus the sacrificial system corresponds with the general Ancient Near Eastern system of the “care and feeding of the gods” At the same time, human-divine commensality is problematized in narrative texts such as Judges 6 and 13, where the burnt offering is stressed as the only and necessarily different way the deity may consume food. Finally, some passages, such as Psalm 50, quoted above, explicitly reject the notion that sacrifices and offerings should be required as sustenance for Yahweh since he is the creator and owner of the world and everything in it.

This article offers a survey of various views on sacrifice as food for the deity in the Hebrew Bible and discusses these views in their Ancient Near Eastern context. It is suggested that the main understanding of sacrifice as meal in the Hebrew Bible is one that emphasizes difference through commensality and stresses the incompatibility of the human and the divine sphere through the social locus of the meal.     

Fathers and sons: preparing noble youths to be lords in twelfth-century Germany

The most prominent noble lineages of the twelfth-century German empire drew much of their authority from scattered collections of heritable rights and properties, a state of affairs that led each family to exercise its lordship in a unique manner. As a result, it was important for the success of a lineage that heirs understood the diverse administrative, political, diplomatic and military foundations of their family's power before they came into their inheritance. This article argues on the basis of evidence from several leading noble houses — including the Staufen, Welf, Zähringen, Wittelsbach, Andechs and Wettin — that fathers played an essential role in the training of their sons to succeed and inherit. For the noble heirs of twelfth-century Germany, therefore, the period in life known as youth was principally a time of instruction and preparation. Models of youth that emphasise the adventurousness and rebelliousness of noble sons during the central middle ages are therefore insufficient for explaining father-son relationships within the imperial nobility.     

Secret Intelligence and Anti-Nazi Resistance: The Mysterious Exile of Gottfried Reinhold Treviranus

The U.S. decision to send 14,000 marines to Lebanon during the civil war of 1958 exasperated Lebanese peoples. The American military intervention, as a result, contributed to a cultural process in which many Lebanese began to imagine the United States as an “imperial” force, inheriting the legacy of Empire in the Middle East and stepping into the shoes of former European imperial powers, Britain and France. While admiring U.S. values and cultures, Lebanese anti-colonialists, nationalists, and pan-Arabists expressed their antipathy vis-à-vis the “imperial” nature of Washington's involvement in their internal affairs. Others, primarily content with and invested in the socio-political status quo, stood by and exalted the American presence in their country.

Using Lebanon as a case study, this paper examines popular perceptions of and experiences with U.S. global power during the 1958 crisis. As a result, it goes beyond traditional interstate relations and combines top-down and bottom-up approaches in order to illuminate power negotiations between a global superpower, the United States, and the Arab masses of Lebanon. In this spirit, the voices and actions of national and local leaders, as well as everyday men and women are integrated into the global story of U.S. involvement in the Middle East.     

Faces and Facets of the Kantosou Kou Xat – The Lao “National Liberation Struggle” in State Commemoration and Historiography

Contemporary Lao history and politics are characterised by an ambivalent ideological hybrid of cultural heritage protection and revolutionary glorification. Even though Buddhism and its related ritual practices appear to have regained considerable ground in official nation-building strategies, the “national liberation struggle” (Lao: kantosou kou xat) continues to constitute a key element of the national discourse as represented by official historiography and state iconography. In fact, the revival of royal-Buddhist images is linked to the “struggle”, since past kings of the Lao Buddhist kingdom of Lane Xang are at present re-interpreted as proto-national patriotic fighters on behalf of the so-called “Lao multi-ethnic people”.

This paper argues that the different aspects of official Lao history and memory politics are directed towards the twin goals of ideological nation building and the self-legitimisation of the present regime. Heroic kings such as Anouvong and Setthathilat are highlighted as ancestors of Kaysone Phomvihane and other revolutionaries of the twentieth century within a genealogy of national heroes. Besides discussing present historiographical narratives of the Lao “struggle”, this paper explores material and performative aspects of state commemoration, in particular with regard to national lieux de mémoire and public events.     

明代宦官历史教育论析

明代宦官在东宫教育和帝王日讲、经筵乃至日常生活和政治实践中发挥了重要影响,明人亦强调宦官对于帝王历史教育不可或缺的作用。明代宦官经由内书堂和自我学习接受历史教育,其在历史教育实践中与帝王之间表现出某种趋同性特征,并转而影响君主。受中国古代"明君德政"历史教育模式的影响,明代儒臣透过"贤宦良政"和"恶宦劣政"的历史举说或历史书写,推行宦官历史教育,既于内书堂教育中注入历史训诫,又编纂以古今类型化宦官传记史事为内容的专门史鉴书籍。历史教育成为明代儒臣、宦官与帝王三者之间交互沟通和影响的纽带,以历史教育为中心的史学经世致用取向构成明代中后期史学史的时代性内容。     

Lactantius’s Power Struggle

Abstract

During the Diocletianic Persecution and at the dawn of Constantine’s rise to power, Lactantius penned Book V of the Divine Institutes, in which he offers a striking account of Church-state relations. For Lactantius, imperial power is at odds with the Christian “course of life.” To be a people of virtue, Christians must perform justice from below, under the rule of a secular state whose gaze is fixed on its self-preservation at all costs. Lactantius makes clear that if Christians collude with the power of the state, exercising power from above, justice becomes an impracticable virtue. Not only would Christianity’s transition to the imperial seat alter the material conditions which best form Christians in virtue, it would, in Lactantius’s view, cultivate lives of vice and alienation from God. This essay contends that in Book V of the Divine Institutes, Lactantius employs Christian reasoning to demonstrate how secular politics are antithetical to Christian discipleship.