Popular geographies and scholarly geographies in provincial France: the Société Normande de Géographie, 1879–1937

Geographical societies were established in many provincial cities of France during the final quarter of the nineteenth century. Through lectures and publications, these organizations promoted popular geographies at a time when academic geography was in its infancy. The Geographical Society of Normandy was founded at Rouen in 1879 and survived for six decades. Unlike some of its counterparts, it did not provide commercial information after its early years nor did it receive funding from the local chamber of commerce. Its annual Bulletins presented aspects of popular geography at the time and elucidated views held by explorers, colonial administrators and other contributors. Tales of expeditions to distant lands were reported enthusiastically, but assessments of opportunities for European settlement were not always optimistic. European affairs rose to prominence in the life of the Society in the years surrounding World War I. Its popular geographies conveyed in public lectures continued to enjoy success but contacts with academic geographers were intermittent. Largely forgotten geographical societies, such as that in Normandy, played a significant role in raising knowledge of the world before geography became firmly established as a university discipline.     

Mapping the arts: industry concentrations,distribution, and change in the US, 1980–2010

This paper studies arts industries in all 366 US metropolitan statistical areas between 1980 and 2010. Our analysis provides evidence that the arts are an important component of many regional economies, but also highlights their volatility. After radical growth and diffusion between 1980 and 2000, in the last decade, the arts industries are defined more by shrinkage and reconcentration in fewer metropolitan areas. Further, we find that the vast majority of metros have strengths in particular sets of arts industries. As we discuss in the conclusion, these conditions present challenges and opportunities for urban cultural policy that goes beyond the current focus on the arts as consumption amenities.     

Arthur Schopenhauer: Manuscript remains,volume IV; The manuscript books of 1830–1852 and the last manuscripts

This article presents and compares aspects of Charles Taylor's and Hans Blumenberg's seemingly opposing views about agency and epistemology, setting them in the context of the tradition in German ideas called ‘philosophical anthropology’, with which both align their thinking. It presents key strands of this tradition, from their inception in the late eighteenth century in the writings of Herder, Schiller and others associated with anthropology to their articulation by thinkers such as Max Scheler, Arnold Gehlen and Karl Löwith in the early twentieth century. The main issues here are: man's status as part of nature or as ‘radically divorced’ from nature; the possibility of objective knowledge of man versus the epistemological status of human ‘meaning’; the view of knowledge as abstraction versus ‘concrete’ or ‘lived’ experience. Within these parameters the article contrasts Taylor's emphasis on ‘engaged’ agency, embedded in discourses, bodies and predispositions, with Blumenberg's sense of our ‘indirect’ relation to reality: ‘delayed, selective, and above all “metaphorical”’. It concludes that each position may be traced back to a key strand in philosophical anthropology: the one emphasising man's unique freedom, the other that sees man's grasp of reality as uniquely interwoven with a background of meanings.     

The challenge of the spaceship: Arthur C. Clarke and the history of the future, 1930–1970

Arthur C. Clarke’s 1946 essay on ‘The Challenge of the Spaceship’ was one of the founding manifestoes of the Space Age, and helped to establish him as the West’s leading techno-prophet. Restating his ideas in subsequent factual and fictional works, Clarke successfully propagated the belief that man’s destiny lay in space and that the process was already underway. On the surface Clarke’s oeuvre offers a classic astrofuturist model of progress as technology-driven, but on closer examination it also incorporates a more pessimistic, historically based strand of philosophy, British rather than American. This essay traces the genesis of Clarke’s early work and the influence upon him of the historian Arnold J. Toynbee and the moral philosophers Olaf Stapledon and C.S. Lewis. Toynbee was essentially a Christian pessimist who believed that western civilization was on the way out; his long historical perspectives were an important source of inspiration for Clarke, leading him to a cyclical rather than a simply progressive model of history which contemplated both the beginning and the end of civilizations. The concerns of Stapledon and Lewis with grand narratives of decline and redemption were also influences on Clarke. All this needs to be understood in relation to both the European experience of World War I and to the coming of the atomic bomb, the latter a profound influence on Clarke’s generation. Such perspectives gave European astroculture a more modulated vision of the human future in space than the technologically based astrofuturism which dominated in the USA.     

Mapping the Niger, 1798–1832: Trust,Testimony and ‘Ocular Demonstration’ in the Late Enlightenment

This paper is about the role of trust, testimony and direct observation in the making of maps and about the ways in which these issues were apparent in the mapping of the Niger River. By the late eighteenth century, the Niger River was a two‐thousand‐year‐old geographical problem. Although classical writers, Arab geographers and French authorities had produced maps of the river, its direction of flow was not confirmed by direct observation until 1796 when the explorer Mungo Park did so. Yet Park solved only one part of the problem, and he died in 1805 while attempting to solve the remaining question: where did the river end? This question was not answered by direct observation until 1830. By then, however, the ‘Niger problem’ had been resolved, and the solution mapped, by two early nineteenth‐century geographers who had charted the river's course without travelling to Africa. Attention is also paid to the maps that first presented the Niger's termination on the basis of field observation. What all this evidence raises is the question of trust in others' testimony and the role of travel and direct observation in the production of maps as ‘truthful’ documents in the late Enlightenment.

Cet article concerne le rôle de la confiance, du témoignage et de l'observation directe dans l'établissement des cartes ainsi que la manière dont ces questions se manifestaient dans la cartographie du fleuve Niger. A la fin du XVIIIe siècle, le Niger était un problème géographique vieux de 2000 ans. Bien que les auteurs antiques, les géographes arabes et les autorités françaises aient produit des cartes de ce fleuve, la direction de son cours ne fut confirmée par l'observation directe qu'en 1796 grâce à l'explorateur Mungo Park. Encore Park ne résolut‐il qu'une partie du problème et mourut en 1805 alors qu'il tentait de résoudre la question restante: o[ugrave] le fleuve finissait‐il? On ne répondit à cette question par l'observation directe qu'en 1830. Dès lors, cependant, le ‘problème du Niger’ était résolu et sa solution cartographiée par deux géographes du début du XIXe siècle qui avaient dressé la carte du cours du fleuve sans voyager en Afrique. Nous prêtons également attention aux premières cartes qui ont montré le cours inférieur du Niger sur la base d'observation de terrain. Tout ceci met en évidence la question de la confiance dans le témoignage d'autrui et le rôle du voyage et de l'observation directe dans la production des cartes comme documents fidèles à la fin du siècle des Lumières.

Dieser Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der Bedeutung von Vertrauen in vorliegende Informationen, die Rolle von Beweisen und von unmittelbarer Beobachtung bei der Kartenherstellung und damit, wie sich diese Aspekte in der Kartierung des Nigerflusses niederschlagen. Am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts war die Frage nach der geographischen Lage des Nigerflusses schon zweitausend Jahre alt. Auch wenn klassische Autoren, arabische Geographen und französische Autoritäten Karten des Flusses hergestellt hatten, so konnte seine Fließrichtung doch erst 1796 durch die persönliche Beobachtung des Entdeckers Mungo Park bestimmt werden. Allerdings löste Park nur den ersten Teil des Problems und starb 1805 bei der Suche nach dem Mündungsgebiet des Flusses. Diese Frage konnte nicht vor 1830 durch unmittelbare Beobachtung geklärt werden. Dann allerdings war das Niger‐Problem gelöst und das Ergebnis in Karten niedergelegt. Dies gelang zwei Geographen des frühen 19. Jahrhunderts, die den Verlauf des Niger zeichneten ohne nach Afrika zu reisen. Zusätzlich werden in diesem Beitrag die Karten behandelt, die später die Nigermündung erstmals auf der Grundlage von Feldarbeit darstellten. Was alle diese Zeugnisse nahelegen, ist die Frage nach dem Vertrauen in anderer Leute Aussagen und die Bedeutung von Reisen sowie von unmittelbarer Beobachtung bei der Herstellung von wirklichkeitsnahen Karten in der späten Aufklärung.

El artículo trata sobre el papel de la veracidad, del testimonio y del reconocimiento sobre el terreno en la construcción de mapas y sobre las vías en las que estas cuestiones fueron evidentes en los mapas del río Níger. Al final del siglo XVIII, el río Níger constituía un problema geográfico que se remontaba a 2000 años. Aunque los escritores clásicos, geógrafos árabes y autoridades francesas habían hecho mapas del río, la dirección de su corriente no fue confirmada hasta el reconocimiento del explorador Mungo Park en 1796. Pero Park resolvió sólo una parte del problema y murió en 1805 cuando trataba de resolver el resto, es decir, donde terminaba el río. Esta cuestión no fue resuelta por reconocimientos sobre el terreno hasta 1830. Sin embargo, para entonces ‘el problema del Níger’ había sido solucionado sobre un mapa por dos geógrafos de principios del siglo XIX que cartografiaron el curso del río sin viajar a África. Se señalan también los primeros mapas que presentaron el diseño completo del Níger, basados en observaciones sobre el terreno. Todas estas evidencias plantean la cuestión de la veracidad del testimonio de los otros y del papel del viaje y del reconocimiento sobre el terreno, en la producción de los mapas en tanto que documentos ‘verdaderos’ a finales del siglo XVIII.     

Sub-regional specialization in the Lancashire cotton industry, 1884–1914: a study in organizational and locational change

Locational changes in the Lancashire cotton industry between 1884 and 1914 are re-examined. The concentration of cotton spinning in central and southeast Lancashire and the consolidation of weaving in the northern half of the textile region were caused not only by differential rates of growth in the two sectors but also by the decline of the sub-regionally weaker sector. Single factors such as technological innovation and spatial variations in labour costs are insufficient to account for the deepening segregation of spinning and weaving. Different methods of capital formation led to important changes in the organization of the two sectors. New specialized spinning mills were built by large limited companies in southeast Lancashire whilst in northeast Lancashire a multitude of weaving firms were formed by private entrepreneurs. Throughout the region combined mills declined both relatively and absolutely, but they survived longest in peripheral areas away from the leading centres of expansion and innovation. Divergent processes of sub-regional specialization were related to different labour requirements in the spinning and weaving sectors.