评清朝的西藏政策

清朝重新统一西藏后,通过册封、定制、设官、驻军等措施,并扶持达赖、班禅成为西藏的政教领袖,建立了政教合一的噶厦制度,实现了对西藏的有效管理和统治,维护了清朝在西藏的主权和领土完整,其西藏政策对后世产生了深远影响。本文从反分裂主义的角度重新审视清朝的西藏政策,认为清朝的治藏政策重政治、军事,而轻经济、文化,导致西藏与祖国内地的经济文化交流、民族融合明显滞后,为近代西藏分裂主义的产生埋下了隐患。     

高僧与贵族:六世班禅喇嘛和多仁家族

本文以《多仁班智达传》中有关多仁噶锡家族和六世班禅喇嘛交往的纪录为例,说明藏文史料和传记中除了大量以宗教事务为主的内容之外,还有一些有关个人交往的记录。这类史料数量虽不多,但却生动、翔实,史料价值很高,值得学者关注。作者从介绍《多仁班智达传》的不同版本的流传到成书出版的经过再到叙述多仁家族成员,尤其是多仁丹津班珠尔父子和六世班禅喇嘛家族私交的经历,强调高僧和贵族互动的重要性,从一个不同的侧面展示了18世纪西藏地方政府和清廷接触与互动的详情,进而指出如《多仁班智达传》这一类贵族世家传记,对研究西藏历史尤其是汉藏交往至为重要,可弥补汉文官史和藏文高僧圣传之缺。     

六世班禅与达天通理会晤新考——以藏文版《六世班禅传》与《三世章嘉传》为中心

六世班禅在京朝觐期间与汉传佛教贤首宗代表人物达天通理进行了会晤,此为清代藏传佛教与汉传佛教交流史上的标志性事件。作者以藏文版《六世班禅传》与《三世章嘉传》为中心,结合新发现的汉文史料考证认为,二者会晤缘起于六世班禅为深入了解汉传佛教而临时起意,时间是乾隆四十五年(1780)九月初六日,地点是觉生寺,内容为二者在章嘉国师翻译辅助下就佛事科仪等进行的简单交流,直接成果为九月二十七日达天通理获赐"阐教禅师"尊号。     

四世班禅生平及与四世达赖、五世达赖之关系

四世班禅精通佛学和传统文化知识,他担任扎什伦布寺住持,使该寺成为班禅活佛系统执掌的主寺;同时,他对四世达赖倾囊相授,担任拉萨祈愿大法会首座,维修大昭寺和甘丹寺灵塔殿金顶,成为格鲁派的领袖人物。此外,他还是五世达赖的上师,协助五世达赖的政教事业,并首倡与关外的清政权建立联系,参与觉囊派改宗等事。四世班禅为格鲁派的发展做出了重大贡献,由此确立了班禅活佛系统在格鲁派中的崇高地位。     

Making His Return with Fullness of Will and Upholding Aspirations

The year 2015 marks the 20 th anniversary of the enthronement of the Eleventh Panchen Lama.Born on Feb.13 th,1990 in Lhari County,Nagqu Prefecture of Tibet,the Eleventh Panchen Lama was enthroned in the Tashilhunpo Monastery on Dec.8th,1995 after a traditional lot-drawing ritual in the Jokhang Temple in Lhasa and being approved by China's State Council.China's Tibet published a commemoration album for the 20 th anniversary of the enthronement of the Eleventh Panchen Lama and invited Honorable Lhagpa Phuntsok to write the preface.Here we share it and the auspicious moments in the album with our readers.     

周恩来赴印度三次规劝十四世达赖喇嘛

西藏和平解放后,1956年4月成立了西藏自治区筹备委员会,着手进行民主改革。西藏上层分裂分子大为恐惧,在西康地区发动武装叛乱。1956年11月,印度邀请十四世达赖喇嘛参加释迦牟尼涅槃2500周年大会。国外敌对势力和流亡的西藏上层分裂分子包围达赖,鼓动"西藏独立",策反随行官员,致使达赖和随行官员思想混乱并滞留印度。1956年底,周恩来在访问印度期间与达赖进行了三次谈话,阐明了党的方针政策,教育随行官员和达赖的家人,争取印度总理尼赫鲁的支持,为达赖最终安全返回西藏起到了关键作用。     

蒙藏院与民国时期的西藏治理述论（1914—1928）

1914—1928年间,在军阀混战、政局多变的大背景下,蒙藏院作为主管蒙藏事务的中央机构,在西藏治理方面做了很多工作,主要是:组织边疆调查,为中央决策提供信息,并参与解决玉树争端;管理喇嘛教事务,办理西藏驻京堪布、内地活佛转世中的涉藏事宜;组织、监督全国性政治会议西藏代表选举和选派,向中央转达西藏地方的意见;协助有关方面派人进藏联络,妥善处理西藏商人进京贸易问题;接待九世班禅,支持西藏地方的爱国力量。这些对加强中央政府与西藏地方的联系、稳固西南边疆发挥了重要作用。但由于种种原因,该院的努力并未完全达到应有的效果。     

达赖、班禅关系与新中国治藏方略研究（1949-1959）

1949--1959年,达赖、班禅两大系统的关系是中央政府治理西藏的重要问题之一,相关决策也成为中国共产党和中央人民政府治理西藏总体战略的一个组成部分。本文依据档案文献,论述了这十年间达赖、班禅两大系统关系的演变过程,并探讨中央政府相关的治藏政策。     

The Senior Tibetan Buddhism College of China marks its 20th anniversary

On September 1st,1987,the 10th Panchen Lama decided to found the Senior Tibetan Buddhism College of China at the Yellow Temple in     

Suppressing the Mad Elephant: Missionaries,Lamas, and the Mediation of Sacred Historiographies in the Tibetan Borderlands

The late-nineteenth century was a time of Protestant missionary enthusiasm for the “great closed land” of Tibet. Their prodigious, oftentimes proto-ethnographic, writings continue to provide scholars with archives that document missionary perspectives on Inner Asian society and religion, but few sources have yet emerged that allow for these to be read alongside Tibetan accounts of Christian-Buddhist encounters. This article undertakes such a parallel reading of four accounts of an unsuccessful attempt by the British missionary Cecil Polhill to convert an eastern Tibetan Buddhist abbot, Māyang Pa??ita, in late 1889. Understanding these texts as conflicting sacred historiographies, we note that these Christian and Buddhist writers shared a commitment to writing and to particular modes of emotional, material, and logical mediation as the “correct” path to religious certainty. Differences in genre, however, lead more to mockery and misunderstanding than to each side’s desired transformation of the other..     

十世班禅与西藏和平解放及班禅问题的解决

班禅返藏问题,不仅是十世班禅自己的问题,也是和平解放西藏、实现国家统一和民族团结的一大核心问题。他首先争取中共中央对自己地位的承认,提出解决班禅问题的方案和意见;接着在和平解放西藏的谈判中使班禅问题的解决在协议中规定下来。十七条协议签订后,他又采取积极措施使书面规定得到具体实现,顺利返藏。班禅问题得以解决的根本原因是中国共产党维护国家统一和民族团结的决心与正确的方针、步骤,十世班禅也作出了积极的努力和贡献。     

夏鲁寺部分壁画的汉地影响及其所在文化情境下的政治寓意

本文分析了藏区南部夏鲁寺集会殿门廊中,带有宋元时期舞台布景效果的龙凤戏珠纹图画,认为这是自13世纪以来,随着西藏贵族与元代朝廷政治关系的建立而来的汉地艺术影响的一个独特案例。作者将这种影响置于元朝政府与西藏的政治关系,以及尼泊尔纽瓦尔艺术风格的强大影响共同构成的特定的文化情境之下,且重点分析了绘于夏鲁寺早期整个门廊北壁带有汉地风格的壁画。     

Symbol and power: the Dalai Lama as a charismatic leader

This article originated in a brief but inspiring analysis by Margaret Nowak. Nowak used Sherry Ortner's concept of ‘summarising symbol’ to imply that, much the same way as the American flag was the epitome of the United States to each and every American, the Dalai Lama encompasses everything Tibetan to the Tibetan people. What does this comparison say about the Dalai Lama? I examine the relationship between symbol, power and charisma with Tenzin Gyatso, the current Dalai Lama, as a case in point. With exile, there has been a shift in the symbolic importance of the Dalai Lama, both as a man and as an institution, from a symbol of Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism to a symbol of the Tibetan cause and, more generally, to a symbol of Buddhism in the world. These changes have given Tenzin Gyatso a new authority in the Tibetan community: he is now the unique and unquestioned leader of the Tibetan cause in the world. I discuss the problems that occur when a symbol is also a man and a leader, as well as the solutions proposed, at a moment when the Tibetan community in exile is experiencing democratisation.     

1949—1951年美国如何阻挠和破坏西藏和平解放

1949—1951年间,美国策划达赖喇嘛出走,破坏西藏和平解放。起初,美国反对达赖喇嘛离藏,支持噶厦抵抗人民解放军解放西藏。美国后来认识到不可能阻挡人民解放军的进军,因而要求达赖喇嘛流亡锡兰或泰国,不得已时到美国"避难"。《十七条协议》公布后,美国反对达赖喇嘛返回拉萨,要求达赖喇嘛在靠近西藏的地区流亡或"访问"印度。中华人民共和国中央人民政府采取因地制宜的措施,达赖喇嘛最终返回西藏并通电拥护《十七条协议》。美国的企图必然破灭,西藏的和平解放是历史发展的必然。     

1949—1951年美国如何阻挠和破坏西藏和平解放

1949—1951年间,美国策划达赖喇嘛出走,破坏西藏和平解放。起初,美国反对达赖喇嘛离藏,支持噶厦抵抗人民解放军解放西藏。美国后来认识到不可能阻挡人民解放军的进军,因而要求达赖喇嘛流亡锡兰或泰国,不得已时到美国"避难"。《十七条协议》公布后,美国反对达赖喇嘛返回拉萨,要求达赖喇嘛在靠近西藏的地区流亡或"访问"印度。中华人民共和国中央人民政府采取因地制宜的措施,达赖喇嘛最终返回西藏并通电拥护《十七条协议》。美国的企图必然破灭,西藏的和平解放是历史发展的必然。     

南京政府对康藏纠纷的定性及解决措施分析

南京国民政府将 1930年爆发的康藏纠纷定性为地方性冲突事件 ,反对英国插手干涉 ;把解决康藏纠纷与恢复对藏主权、巩固西部边陲结合起来 ,决定用和平方式谋求纠纷的迅速解决 ,甚至可以做出让步 ;但中央与西藏地方在解决纠纷的程序和方式等问题上分歧较大 ,致使纠纷的核心问题得不到解决 ;这场纠纷中断了中央与西藏地方之间关系改善的进程 ,达赖和班禅的矛盾再次激化 ,康藏社会和经济发展停滞     

清末英国租借威海卫交涉始末——以总理各国事务衙门档案及舆图资料为例

中日甲午战争清廷战败后,李鸿章(1823—1901年)奉派担任特使,与日本签订《中日讲和条约》(即《马关条约》)。随后俄国联合德国与法国,要求日本放弃占领辽东半岛,此即近代史上著名的“三国干涉还辽”事件。光绪二十二年(1896年)清廷与俄国签订《中俄密约》。光绪二十四年(1898年)三月,清廷又与俄国签订《旅大租地条约》,将旅顺、大连两港口租予俄国,英国为阻止俄国势力扩张,即向清廷提出要求租借威海卫。依据档案史料记载,英国租借威海卫是经过分析与策划并与列强交涉协商后,即与清廷进行威海卫租借交涉,并逼迫清廷签订《租威海卫专条》,将威海卫划入其势力范围。本文拟以《租威海卫专条》原件以及相关舆图、“中央研究院”所藏《总理各国事务衙门清档——英租威海卫案》等档案史料为基础,对英国租借威海卫交涉史实作简单的探讨。     

《清季外交史料》的成书历程及其价值、特色

《清季外交史料》由王彦威、王亮父子辑编,该书出版,使晚清外交的官方档案文献得以合成完璧。其成书,耗时近半个世纪,王氏父子做出了巨大的努力和贡献。其内容主要为光绪、宣统两朝各种外交事件,另涉及相关的重要内政。其中尤为重视约章,扣住晚清外交最重要环节,反映了中外条约关系的变化和时代需要。所辑文件为官方档籍,不仅对当时外交起了资鉴作用,且对研究晚清中外关系史具有极高的文献史料价值。编纂体例上,既承袭了传统体裁,又有新创,增加了新的表述形式。作为一部史料汇编,该书亦有时代的局限,存在种种不足和不当之处。     

20世纪40-50年代美国对中国西藏政策的历史演变

The U.S. policy toward Tibet has always changed in accordance with the U.S. international strategy and the U.S. foreign policy toward China. Before the foundation of the People’s Republic of China, the U.S. admitted Chinese sovereignty over Tibet. During the Cold War, due to its anti-communism strategy, the U.S. began to consider recognizing the independence claim of Tibetan separatists, especially after 1959, when the Dalai Lama was exiled abroad. However, the U.S. government has not openly admitted Tibet is an independent country, because, in the light of the historical development of Tibet within China, claims of independence cannot be substantiated and therefore Tibetan separatism cannot win the recognition or support of the majority of countries in the world.     

Lamas,Empresses and Tea: Early Twentieth-Century Sino-British Encounters in Eastern Tibet

At the turn of the twentieth century, the Tibetan plateau was a zone of intense imperial contact—and competition—between British India and Qing China. Even before the 1904 Younghusband Expedition to Lhasa, Indian rupees had become the primary currency of commercial exchange across the plateau, and British explorers had gathered detailed knowledge of both the presumed natural resource bounty of eastern Tibet and the lucrative border tea trade traversing it. This article explores models manifested by these interactions between British and Qing officials, merchants and explorers in the Kham region of ethnographic Tibet and the role empires played in the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century global spread of Euro-American norms. Although Sichuan officials directly engaged with administering Kham shared a common perception of Khampa society with their British counterparts, they also recognised the encroachment of Indian rupees and British explorers as challenges to Qing authority, if not a prologue to territorial expansion paralleling the contemporaneous scramble for concessions in coastal China. Beginning with the establishment of the Zongli Yamen in 1861, close Sino-British interaction along two tracks, British ‘lessons’ in statecraft and diplomacy in the imperial capital Beijing and commercial and political actions in the imperial borderland of Kham, provided models for Qing assertion of exclusive authority on the plateau. Two globalising norms inflected in these British models—territoriality and sovereignty—fostered transformative policies in the borderland during the first decade of the twentieth century. Implemented by Sichuan officials, these policies sought to undermine Lhasa's local challenge to Chinese authority via monasteries, thereby legitimising appeal to international law to repel regional challenges from both British India and Russia. This article analyses in depth two examples of these policies in action: a silver coin modelled on the Empress Victoria Indian rupee and a monopoly tea company partly modelled on British Indian tea firms and the Indian Tea Association. Both contributed to weakening the political, social and economic power projected into Kham by British India and Lhasa. The adaptation of these models in Qing policies fostered by the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Sino-British encounter in Kham reveals the conduits through which Euro-American norms of authority were shared, and demonstrates their power to transform relations in the interstices of global power, where empires met empires and states met states.