Mapping the nation: street names and Arab‐Palestinian identity: three case studies

The naming of streets is part of the ongoing process of mapping the boundaries of the nation. This article examines three sets of Arab‐Palestinian street names – pre‐1948 Haifa and Jerusalem and post‐1948 Umm el Fahm – as locally constructed ‘texts of identity’ in the historical and political context of their official creation. The investigation aims at charting the ideological orientations represented and the political messages entailed in these three different textual manifestations of Arab‐Palestinian national identity. The analysis focuses on notions of historical and cultural heritage as expressed in the choice of street names. Finally, it offers an interpretative evaluation of this process, placing it within broader ideological and historical contexts.     

From number to name: symbolic capital,places of memory and the politics of street renaming in New York City

Numerous studies have highlighted the importance of street naming as a strategy for constructing ‘places of memory’. This paper draws upon Bourdieu's theory of symbolic capital to examine two key moments in the history of street renaming in New York City: the renaming of the avenues on Manhattan's Upper West Side in the latter nineteenth century and the street renamings in Harlem a century later. The aim of such a comparative case study approach is to demonstrate how the symbolic capital associated with street naming may be linked to an elite project of symbolic erasure and forced eviction, on the one hand, and the cultural recognition of a historically marginalized group, on the other. Both cases consider attempts to rename formerly numbered streets and avenues, and the benefit of considering them together is that they illustrate the multiple interests—as well as the exclusionary politics of race, class, and gender—involved in such shifts from ‘number’ to ‘name’. In doing so, this paper extends the current literature on street naming as a commemorative practice by linking it to a broader relational view of place-making, memory, and symbolic capital.     

Bringing gender and spatial theory to life at a German technical university

This article focuses on the use of a university sculpture garden, the renaming of streets, and advice about the use of public space in order to teach the intersection of gender theory with spatial theory. This article outlines methods for teaching gender and spatial theory to international and multidisciplinary bachelor’s and master’s students in English at a German technical university. Most of the students had not learned gender or spatial theory prior to the course. A review of the course syllabus is included, and interactive teaching methods are outlined for the writings of three scholars: Elizabeth Grosz, Henri Lefebvre, and Dolores Hayden. Three intertwined aspects of campus life: its student life, its architecture, and its outdoor sculpture are brought into conversation with those theorists. Students learn the history of their campus buildings, outdoor spaces and artwork, along with how university spaces, place naming, and storytelling all affect their educational and individual experiences. By interacting with and analyzing examples of campus architecture, urban space, and outdoor sculpture, students discover how spatial and gender theories function in everyday life. However, students were more convinced that living gendered interactions affected everyday life, and less convinced that static gender representations such as the sculpture garden or street naming impacted gender ideas and perceptions.     

1800—1945年长春市街道命名的文化政治阐释——基于葛兰西霸权理论的视角

20世纪80年代，西方文化地理学界对传统地名学进行了批判转向，地方命名中的文化政治过程成为研究核心。本文以2017年被国务院列为国家历史文化名城的长春市为例，在批判地名学的背景下，借鉴葛兰西的霸权理论，对1800—1945年间长春街道命名过程进行文化政治分析。研究发现：1931年九一八事变前，长春街道命名成为不同政权控制下各种力量争夺的战场，形成清政府控制的长春地方力量、俄国殖民者力量和日本殖民者力量分区控制下的街道名称，争夺加深了城市内部分异。1931年九一八事变后，长春沦为日本的殖民地，日本殖民者为隐藏其妄图永久占领东北并实现霸权统治的野心，在其划定规划的“实在国都事业区域”进行中式命名，却隐喻了明显的归顺色彩。     

Scale frames and counter-scale frames: constructing the problem of environmental injustice

The concept of environmental injustice raises difficult questions about on how best to measure and address environmental inequities across space, and environmental justice politics are permeated by considerable debate over the nature and spatial extent of both problem and possible solutions. This paper theorizes the politics of environmental justice as a politics of scale in order to explore how environmental justice activists respond to the scalar ambiguity inherent in the political concept of environmental justice. With a case study of a controversy over a proposed polyvinylchloride production facility in rural Convent, Louisiana, I develop the concept of scale frames and counter-scale frames as strategic discursive representations of a social grievance that do the work of naming, blaming, and claiming, with meaningful reference to particular geographic scales. The significance of scale is expressed alternatively within these frames as an analytical spatial category, as scales of regulation, as territorial framework(s) for cultural legitimacy, and as a means of inclusion, exclusion and legitimation.     

Fragments from many pasts: layering the toponymic tapestry of Milan

In the recent literature on the cultural politics of naming, toponyms and street names are increasingly read within the wider social–historical context upon which naming is contingent. In this perspective, naming is often seen as an act of power and a way to inscribe an ideological discourse into the landscape. In this article, we analyze the street names currently inscribed in the historical center of the Italian city of Milan, Italy as a reflection of its long and contested social and political history. Fragments of all the different toponymic regimes and hegemonic discourses that took over one after the other over time have remained inscribed in Milan’s street network, originating a complex tapestry in which different pasts revive and conflicting ideologies co-exist. In this context, we examine the role Geographical Information Science (GIScience) methods and technologies play in quantifying, revealing, and visualizing the spatial patterns of downtown Milan’s toponymic texture at the urban scale and at the scale of the six historical neighborhoods.     

关中平原历史地名演变中的文化政治格局——基于批判地名学的研究

基于GIS技术，分析从夏到明清，关中平原历史地名空间格局和命名方式的演变规律。从景观表征和布尔迪厄符号权利视角，借鉴批判地名学研究理论，揭示关中平原历史地名空间格局和命名方式演变过程中的文化政治格局。研究发现：①作为关中平原历史地名空间置换的高密度区域，以西安—咸阳为核心的政治中心区，以及以潼关、陈仓（今宝鸡）为核心的军事中心区构成了政治权利空间斗争的中心；而零星分布于外围的自然景观类地名集中区则体现出其作为政治权利空间斗争边缘区的历史稳定性。②统治阶层和群众围绕宫殿陵寝、官宦氏族、人物姓氏、意愿祈福及祭祀庙宇类地名展开命名博弈，各阶层均希望借助地名这一社会文化符号表达“自我”价值和愿望。③关中平原历史地名具有鲜明的时代特征，地名的命名与变更整体上呈现出去阶层意识形态、关注民生文化的特征。     

公共服务视野下的城市空间正义问题——以山东省Q市为例

以山东省Q市为例，从公共服务满意度视角探讨城市空间正义问题及其作用路径。研究发现，近年来我国城市存在公共服务视野下明显的空间不正义问题，临近省市政府能享受更多、更好的公共服务，而区政府并不显著，且远离政府权力中心的边缘地带更加严重。不过，这种空间不正义问题更多源自省市政府权力的空间资源配置失衡，区政府没有足够话语权；主要在市辖区层面，街道尺度并不显著。受制于公共产品属性不同，不同公共服务的空间不正义问题有明显差异，弱排他性或弱竞争性的问题较小。另外，权力空间化通过公共产品配置数量和质量影响空间不正义问题，且质量层面远大于数量层面。新时代城市要从提高公共产品质量入手实现空间正义。     

From heaven to hell in ten days: the genocide trial in Guatemala

ABSTRACT

Latin America leads the world in efforts to prosecute perpetrators of gross violations of human rights in domestic courts. Domestic justice offers a number of advantages to international and hybrid tribunals: proceedings take place in close proximity to the site of the atrocities, facilitating victim participation; they are directed by domestic prosecutors and judges, thus contributing to local buy-in; and they can strengthen rule of law and legitimize fragile transitional democracies. The case of Guatemala appears to contradict such arguments, however, given the overturning of the landmark conviction of former dictator José Efraín Ríos Montt on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity and the ongoing impasse of the proceedings. Drawing on the author’s work as an international observer to the genocide trial, interviews with those directly involved in the case, and comparative research on human rights trials in Latin America, this article suggests an alternative reading. By situating the genocide trial in relation to the broader transitional justice process in Guatemala and in the region more broadly, it argues that current setbacks should be viewed as a backlash to initial transitional justice success that is neither unexpected nor fatal to the accountability process. Second, the article argues that the genocide case is illustrative of a victim-centred approach to human rights prosecutions that hold important lessons for transitional justice theory and practice, and examines the way in which victims of sexual violence were incorporated into prosecutorial strategies and helped to prove that a genocide had taken place in Guatemala. Finally, the article argues that despite the undoing of the genocide verdict, the very fact that the trial took place is historically and politically significant, both for survivors and for the construction of collective memory in Guatemala and Latin America as a whole.     

CROSSING THE RIVER: HOW LOCAL STRUGGLES BUILD A BROADER MOVEMENT

A case study of environmental justice organizing in South Carolina explores how local activists can build an oppositional ideology that connects to a broader agenda for social justice. A multi-issue, state-wide workers' rights organization provided ideological context and strategic experience that enabled residents fighting to clean up a polluted pond to connect their concern to a wider effort for economic justice and undoing racism. The organization's worker-centered, multi-racial identity and an organizing strategy that exposes contradictions of the dominant ideology are seen as enabling these wider connections.     

西安新城市贫困空间固化及其治理研究——基于空间正义视角

新城市贫困空间固化及其治理研究,对破解城市发展不平衡不充分,促进城市社会公平公正具有重要理论和现实意义。基于西安市街道尺度问卷调查数据,采用贫困综合指数和构建空间固贫指数,在GIS技术支持下,对西安新城市贫困空间时空演化和固化趋势进行研究,并以空间正义为视角,提出西安新城市贫困空间固化治理方案。结果表明：①研究期内,西安新城市贫困程度不断减轻,贫困空间分布异质性明显,贫困空间演化整体上由放射状嵌套分布向圈层分布转变;②西安新城市贫困空间固化正在形成,空间固贫指数较高街道集中在内城衰退区,城市边缘失地农民聚居区、流动人口聚居区和遗址保护区;③西安新城市贫困空间固化治理要以空间正义思想为指引,在弘扬价值正义、制度正义和政策正义基础上,构建空间正义“起点-过程-结果”三位一体保障体系,确保城市空间生产公平公正。     

南宋建康城居住空间布局研究

建康城是南宋时期的留都,城市地位仅次于京师临安,对其空间布局进行研究可以为城市发展提供稀缺资源和文化启迪。南宋建康城内的居住空间存在一个由区域中心出现——新街道出现(表现为新的街道名出现)——新坊设立(表现为新的坊名的出现)的过程,这一现象深刻的反映了当时城市经济及其文化内涵的变迁。     

旅游者与当地居民的地方感差异分析——以黄山屯溪老街为例

旅游的发展对旅游地人地关系突出的影响反映在旅游者与居民地方感差异上。本文以黄山市屯溪老街为研究区域,从地方认知、地方依恋感、地方行为意向三个维度对旅游者与当地居民的行为差异进行对比分析。研究结果表明:在地方认知层面,旅游者更看重旅游地与己之间的互动,而居民则更关注"自我"、"环境";在地方依恋感层面,旅游者要比居民更具地方依恋感;在地方行为意向层面,均以赞成保护为主,但在旅游地的"现代化"因子上有显著差异性。综上分析建议在不影响保护的前提下,继续挖掘老街特色传统生活方式和历史文化习俗,向旅游者展现老街的整体魅力;并授予老街居民以更多的权力和灵活性,提高积极性。     

Spatial imaginaries and collective identity in women’s human rights struggles in Honduras

In recent years, geographic analysis on social movements has emphasised the influence of actors’ concepts, lived experiences and perceptions of space on the emergence of collective action. Cultural approaches to social movements in Latin America as well as feminist scholarship have revealed that women’s collective action is shaped by their perceptions of institutional and societal challenges, which are rooted in authoritarian and patriarchal culture prevalent in their society. This article combines geographic and cultural approaches to social movements as well as transnational feminist theories to explore women’s human rights mobilisation in Honduras after the coup d’état in 2009. It investigates how a group of urban and rural activists that included feminists, rural women, students and community leaders, adopted human rights discourses and practices to respond to the coup. The article draws on interviews and focus group discussions to suggest firstly, that protests in response to the coup shaped the interviewees’ spatial imaginaries and particularly considers how urban feminists’ spatial imaginaries were merged with those of rural women under the collective framework of human rights. Secondly, the study demonstrates that a collective identity as women human rights defenders was crucial for the emergence of collective action and also prompted the establishment of a national network. This case study contributes to research on women’s collective action to negotiate women’s rights, human rights and social justice in changing political processes.     

城市流动摊贩的微区位选择机制——基于广州市200个摊贩访谈的实证研究

流动摊贩对缓解城市失业和贫困问题发挥了重要作用。以广州为例,运用GIS空间分析和半结构式访谈的方法,研究了摊贩的空间分布特征与摊贩区位因子的微观作用机制。摊贩在不同空间尺度呈现集聚分布,在不同时间尺度呈现有规律的数量变化。摊贩的区位选择主要受市场因素作用,但同时受到住地与摆卖地之间的距离、政府管制、外部相关利益主体(商户、公共场所管理者、居民)的干预以及摊贩之间的竞争与合作的微妙影响,结果不是市场最大化原则下的最优区位,而是合理的区位。强调市场因素的内涵不仅包括人流量,还包括消费者的消费能力和需求。摊贩区位选择没有偏离现代区位论的思想,其区位决策是经济与非经济因素共同作用的结果。     

Paradoxes,Protests and the Mujeres de Negro of Northern Mexico

On November 25, 2002, thousands of people marched through the streets of Mexico City and demanded, in the name of social justice, an end to the violence against women in northern Mexico. ‘Ni Una Más’ (not one more) was their chant and is also the name of their social justice campaign. Their words referred to the hundreds of women and girls who have died violent and brutal deaths in northern Mexico and to the several hundred more who have disappeared over the last ten years. These Ni Una Más marchers, many working with human rights and feminist organizations in Mexico, are protesting against the political disregard and lack of accountability, at all levels of government, in relation to this surging violence against women. And the symbolic leaders of their movement are the Mujeres de Negro (women wearing black), who are based in Chihuahua City. In this article, I examine how the Mujeres de Negro demonstrate how feminist politics so often plays upon the negotiation of spatial paradoxes in order to open new arenas for women's political agency. For while the Mujeres de Negro of northern Mexico are galvanizing an international human rights movement that is challenging political elites, they are also reinforcing many of the traditional prohibitions against women's access to politics and the public sphere. And I explore how the Mujeres de Negro devise a spatial strategy for navigating this paradox in an increasingly dangerous political environment.     

Negotiating "Streets for All" in Urban Transport Planning: The Case for Pedestrians, Cyclists and Street Vendors in Nairobi, Kenya

Abstract:  This paper uses the concept of "streets for all" as the analytical basis to critique the neglect of pedestrians, cyclists and street vendors in transport policy and practice in the city of Nairobi. The paper shows that transport planning in Nairobi has not adequately taken care of informal economy and non-motorized transport such as walking and cycling. This has resulted in competing use of pavements and roads, exposing pedestrians, cyclists and street vendors to insecurity and harassment. The paper calls for inclusive transport planning for multiple street activities, which requires implementing a "streets for all" policy. Such a policy needs to be critically pursued at the level of dealing with the institutional and structural bias in urban transport planning towards motorized traffic and the overall urban development that does not adequately consider the spatio-temporal activity pattern and the life of pedestrians, cyclists and vendors on the streets.     

A Theological Response to ‘The Case for a Pre-emptive Strike’

Abstract

After the enlargement of the European Union at the beginning of 2007, Western Europe has seen an enormous migration of East European Roma people begging in the streets. In this article, I will focus on some juridical as well as moral dilemmas these street beggars, mostly Romanian Roma, have raised in the EU territory and especially in the Nordic countries. I will also reflect on the historical facts and on past legislation where it is necessary to provide the background for the current situation. I shall argue that to hinder the right to free movement of Roma beggars in the European Union territory by criminalizing their begging and camping violates their fundamental rights. Moreover, such treatment in this case is tantamount to ethnic discrimination.