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1.
ABSTRACT

In the twilight of the twentieth and beginning of the twenty-first century, Catholic theologians and journalists who identified as members of the neoconservative political movement crafted a narrative of John Paul II's encyclical Centesimus Annus as a representing a sea-change in Catholic social teaching. In this neoconservative reading, the Catholic Church embraced a specifically American style of late twentieth century laissez-faire capitalism. However, an examination of Centesimus Annus reveals that the text is consonant with the teaching of twentieth century popes. What is more, recent publications enable us to get a clearer view of how neoconservatives were able to craft their narrative of the encyclical.  相似文献   

2.
With the recent release of his autobiographical narrative of the composition of the papal biography, Witness to Hope, prominent Catholic neoconservative George Weigel has invited a reexamination of the presentation of John Paul II to the world by Catholic neoconservatives. In his biographies, George Weigel crafts an often misleading portrait of Pope John Paul II as the pope of American liberalism and neoconservativism. Ironically, at the same time, the story of Weigel's biographies contains the story of the rise and fall of the Catholic neoconservative movement in America.  相似文献   

3.
《Political Theology》2013,14(3):397-405
Abstract

Richard John Neuhaus had a stronger basis than most neoconservatives for claiming a theological kinship with Reinhold Niebuhr, but Niebuhr was not a neoconservative or a culture warrior, and Niebuhr did not claim a moral consensus for his concept of “biblical religion.”  相似文献   

4.
ABSTRACT

Challenging the widespread assumption that “political theology” as a discipline began with Carl Schmitt in the 20th century, this essay explores the biblical theme of God’s preferential option for the poor and oppressed first articulated as a modern political theology by Latin American theologians, but organically and independently manifest in US black liberation theology, and First World feminist theologies. At the heart of this movement is a commitment to speak truth to power at the risk of personal loss and even martyrdom.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract

This essay considers the state of American conservatism focusing initially on social and political institutions and concluding with a few comments on conservatism as an intellectual movement. A paradox is described as lying at the heart of American conservatism: the economic policies supported by conservatives promote economic conditions that are the main causes of the social problems conservatives lament most loudly.  相似文献   

6.
Abstract

This essay examines the peculiar history of American political thought to seek a possible explanation for why conservatism in the United States remains a movement without a spokesperson or a platform to which all citizens of this country who describe themselves as conservative can subscribe. The primary cause of these problems appears to be a serious mismatch between the traditional conservative traits of caution and limits and the historic American spirit of dynamic change and boundless optimism.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract

Historically, the United States has achieved a relatively high degree of political stability. The reason: the Federal Constitution provides a complex architecture that checks and divides political power and compels compromise. In A Constitution in Full: Recovering the Unwritten Foundation of American Liberty, Richard Reinsch and Peter Augustine Lawler recommend the work of Orestes Augustus Brownson, a Civil War era theorist, to properly interpret the genius of this unique American constitutional order. In The American Republic (1865), Brownson emphasized that America’s written constitution is rooted in its unwritten constitution; the habits, customs, and sentiments of the people. The Founders’ federal division of authority between the nation’s general government and the particular governments of the states simultaneously recognized Americans’ national unity and genuine diversity. Today, that diversity—racial, religious, ethnic—is even more granular. In accommodating that diversity, a revitalized federalism would return greater power to the people of the states over domestic policies. This would not only regenerate democratic decision-making, but would also help to reduce the political polarization by allowing policy outcomes suitable to diverse communities.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract

The Occupy Wall Street protest that has spread to other cities across the United States in the autumn of 2011 bears striking similarities to the American Railway Union's strike against the Pullman Palace Car Company near Chicago in 1894, led by Eugene Debs. That protest movement laid the foundations for progressive reforms in the early twentieth century.  相似文献   

9.
10.
Abstract

Travel lectures were a popular part of the American self-culture movement of the mid-nineteenth. Audiences enjoyed travel lectures because they possessed analogical potential rooted in narratives of self-discipline and mastery to aid in the adaption to the socio-economic changes of the market and consumer society. Audiences viewed the lecturer Bayard Taylor as a model of liberal/republican masculinity. His career also reveals the role that metaphors of mobility served in the transformation from the ethos of character to the later outer-directed, “personality” driven, pursuit of personal self-realization.  相似文献   

11.
Abstract

The American sociologist Robert Nisbet argued that alienation was endemic in the modern world. He blamed processes of individualization and politicization where political power was utilized to separate individuals from intermediate associations. While Nisbet was accused of nostalgia for a lost past of medieval communalism, he pointed to the voluntary association as a source of community in the modern world. Using Nisbet's historical and sociological analysis, this article explains the phenomena of alienation in Nisbet's thought and argues that the voluntary association is capable of integrating individuals into meaningful communities.  相似文献   

12.
《Political Theology》2013,14(3):269-279
Abstract

Despite religion's absence in much of secular labor and social movement theories' analyses, progressive religious coalitions are a fundamental partner in the rise of new labor activism in the United States. At a time when media and academia focus on the strength of the "religious right" at the federal level, the success of the municipal living wage movement demonstrates the under-recognized power of the "religious left" in cities around the nation. Through examples from case studies, I document the importance of progressive religion's material and cultural contributions to the movement. In the end, I also contend that paying attention to the successful dynamics of religion-labor alliances at the municipal level can provide important lessons for revitalizing progressive religion's role at the federal level.  相似文献   

13.
《Political Theology》2013,14(2):237-238
Abstract

Jim Wallis's The Call to Conversion features an apocalyptic theological imagination with an ecclesiological focus. The church is entrusted with the communal mission of making visible the intrusion of the reign of God in Jesus Christ. The thesis of this essay is that The Call to Conversion is a better resource for Christian political engagement than Wallis's more recent book, God's Politics, which is characterized by a turn toward a "public church" social ethic. The accent has shifted to the formation of a larger political movement seeking social change primarily through congressional lobbying. Wallis's error is the extent to which he has pinned his hopes on the institutions of American democracy. The Call to Conversion helps us recover an account of political engagement flowing from local ecclesial witness. Sheldon Wolin, Romand Coles, and other political theorists, provide support for approaches to political engagement that begin with local struggles for justice.  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

The Chase family vault (Oistins, Barbados) is widely known as the setting of a macabre nineteenth-century story of moving coffins. On several occasions between 1812 and 1821, on opening the sealed vault to add a new burial, the neatly stacked coffins were found scattered. This legend has never been examined within its contemporary setting, including the Gothic literary and cultural movement. This article seeks to show that the episode reveals much about the negotiation of power in an island society on the edge of slave rebellion, where the planter class were fearful of the enslaved peoples’ continued practice of the banned spiritual and healing rituals known as Obeah. The article further examines how the story reflects notions of otherness, death, materiality, and memory in early nineteenth-century Barbados, where the ordered Protestant world of the planters clashed with what they perceived as the elemental worldview of the enslaved African and Afro-Barbadian population.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

Arendt’s work on civil disobedience sets out an optimistic portrayal of the possibilities of such forms of action in re-energising the spirit of American politics in the late twentieth century. Civil disobedience should not simply be tolerated, she argued, but incorporated into the legal structure of the American political system. Her work is usually seen to promote an idea of civil disobedience that is thus bound to existing constitutional principles and essentially nonviolent. However, by looking at Arendt’s discussion and critique of various practices of civil disobedience in 1960s and 1970s America, specifically in relation to the nonviolence movement influenced by Martin Luther King, and on the other side, the more militant Black Power movement, a different idea of civil disobedience emerges. This paper argues that whilst, for Arendt, civil disobedience within America certainly possesses the constitutionally restorative potential she assigns to it, in a broader sense – theoretically, globally, and even in terms of alternative ideologies within America – her conception of civil disobedience is in itself neither necessarily constitutional, nor nonviolent. It is, instead, a form of revolutionary action, whose limits are set only by politics itself, and specifically, Arendt’s criterion of publicity.  相似文献   

16.
《Textile history》2013,44(2):178-191
Abstract

This article explores conditions in the Ulster linen trade which sustained hand-loom weaving through the second half of the nineteenth century. In particular, it investigates the role and limits of technology in this process, and the impact of the American Civil War and its aftermath on mechanization.  相似文献   

17.

For the most part, American imperialism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was characterized by an expansive search to secure markets for its industrial products, not to establish colonies of subjects and/or citizens. In this article, I analyse the story of Heinz Corporation, the first international American food manufacturing company, in order to begin to understand some of the ideological underpinnings of this form of imperialism. I show how and why gendered and racialized discourses of food production and consumption were integral to the successful marketing of manufactured food within the USA and beyond its national borders.  相似文献   

18.
Gillian Hart 《对极》2010,41(Z1):117-141
Abstract: Part of what makes the current conjuncture so extraordinary is the coincidence of the massive economic meltdown with the implosion of the neoconservative Project for a New American Century, and the reappearance of US liberal internationalism in the guise of “smart power” defined in terms of Diplomacy, Development, and Defence. This essay engages these challenges through a framework that distinguishes between “Development” as a post‐war international project that emerged in the context of decolonization and the Cold War, and capitalist development as a dynamic and highly uneven process of creation and destruction. Closely attentive to what Gramsci calls “the relations of force at various levels”, my task in this essay is to suggest how the instabilities and constant redefinitions of official discourses and practices of Development since the 1940s shed light on the conditions in which we now find ourselves.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTARCT

This symposium on the Fourteenth Amendment engages a series of vital questions about its meaning and importance. Often called “a second American founding,” the Fourteenth Amendment remains highly relevant to contemporary constitutional debates, especially because its enforcement mechanism has largely been transferred from the Congress to the courts. In this sense, the debate over the Fourteenth Amendment is not simply a conversation about its meaning. It is a conversation about judicial authority more generally.  相似文献   

20.
ABSTRACT

The satire of Thomas Haliburton has generally been considered as highly ambiguous. The inability of critics to find a consistent social norm in his work is partly the result of their failure to read his satire in context with his historical writing. This paper examines the character of the Yankee clock peddler, Sam Slick, in light of Haliburton's later statements about American society published in The Rule and Misrule of the English in America.

In Rule and Misrule, Haliburton started from the premise that American Republicanism began with the Puritan experiment in New England. This experiment was unique in the world's history, and it almost worked because the people involved were both rural and moral. The American Revolution, however, began a movement away from the pre-revolutionary values, and the resulting decline in religious and social values indicated to Haliburton that American Republicanism was headed for the despotic conclusion which other republican models in Europe had evidenced.

Sam Slick, in The Clockmaker, may be viewed as the post-revolutionary Yankee who is losing touch with the old pre-revolutionary moral vision. Sam's inability to balance precept with action leads to a basically immoral attitude. For Haliburton, the centre holds the key to proper moral response. Aspiration must be balanced by action. Thus the irony of The Clockmaker works through a juxtaposition of ideal and action, a juxtaposition which Sam is unable to keep in tension. In contrast to Sam, the Squire and the Reverend Mr. Hopewell affirm the values of a Tory social order, an order which offers humanity true social equality and sound moral vision.  相似文献   

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