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When Dietrich Bonhoeffer, following Karl Barth, broke with the "liberal school" of German Protestant theology, led by the famous Adolf von Harnack, he discovered that the Ecumenical Movement could be an agency for bringing about world peace, and he argued energetically for this in the various forums of the then ecumenical movement. However, to only partial avail. With the Nazi seizure of power in Germany, the urgency for the ecumenical movement to declare solidarity with the Confessing Church in Germany became acute. This was because the Nazi-supported Reich Church and the so-called German Christians were trying to align Christianity with Nazi ideology. Bonhoeffer proclaimed forcefully that the latter group were acting in the service of the Antichrist, driven by entirely worldly ambitions. He argued that this situation made it doubly incumbent on the churches associated in the ecumenical movement to support the Confessing Church. Indeed, he made such a declaration of solidarity the touchstone of the credibility of the ecumenical movement.
This paper seeks to trace the course of Bonhoeffer's campaign, for which he only had the limited support of men such as Bishop Bell of Chichester. But he failed not only to persuade the Ecumenical Movement; he was also unable to convince the majority of the Confessing Church to declare unequivocally for peace against the Nazi leadership. The article concludes with the observation that the present-day ecumenical movement has remembered Bonhoeffer's original plea for an Ecumenical Peace Council, and that it now recognizes that Bonhoeffer confronted the Churches with a challenge that will remain on its agenda for the foreseeable future.  相似文献   

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1930年代后期,中华基督教会全国总会发起了一场旨在服务西部民族地区以巩固抗战后方的运动,号召教会内外有为之士,到当时被称为“边疆”的西南少数民族地区,开展生计、教育、医疗卫生等多方面的服务工作。此外,总会还联络研究机构及学者从事边疆研究,形成服务与研究的互动,促进了边地尤其是川康地区的社会进步以及与边地相关学术的发展。边疆服务是基督教自1807年传入中国以来第一次在中国政府支持下从事的大规模社会活动。这场运动延续到1955年,不仅经历了战争的洗礼,也经历了新中国建立之初剧烈的社会转型。边疆服务的历史,对于认识基督教传教活动在近代中国经历的变化,提供了一个为以往的研究忽略了的重要例证。  相似文献   

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中世纪前期英国封建王权与基督教会的关系 ,处于“二元统一、对立”的状态中。从总体上看 ,英国封建王权和基督教会基于共同利益的政治联合 ,必然居于支配地位 ,而双方权益的纷争则处于从属地位 ,最后常常以相互妥协而告结束。这种看似矛盾而实则存在合理性的状态 ,稳定着英国封建社会的统治秩序 ,推动着社会的发展。  相似文献   

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Christian Democracy is often championed as a romantic means of bringing ethical considerations for the common good into the daily life of politics. Public choice theory, on the other hand, reveals that the search for the common good is quixotic amidst divergent policy preferences within a nation. While there may be a handful of values that are accepted by nearly all citizens (e.g., prohibitions on murder), more mundane policy choices will likely promote differences of opinion. Given the often arbitrary nature of voting procedures, the ability of one faction to manipulate the vote choice, and the self-interested behavior of politicians to be re-elected, political parties will inevitably alienate some portion of the citizenry. Attaching Christianity to short-term political outcomes serves to undermine its long-term goal of promoting God's mission. Nonetheless, the Catholic concept of subsidiarity is congruent with many of the findings of public choice theory and offers a way for Christians to engage in public life without tainting themselves in the political partisan arena of political partisanship.  相似文献   

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This article examines the political implications of the dispute between E. S. Hall and Archdeacon Scott over a pew in St James’ Church in the late 1820s. Beyond the legal questions it raised about the established status of the Church of England in New South Wales, Hall's public protest, conducted every Sunday during the largest regular social gathering in Sydney, was a self‐conscious performance of his wider critique of colonial authority. This episode reveals the symbolic importance of church spaces and the role of religious ideas about authority and freedom in colonial political debate.  相似文献   

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《Political Theology》2013,14(6):846-872
Abstract

From a social-ethical point of view, an appalling lack of a sense of common good continues to haunt Philippine political life even after the restoration of democracy through the 1986 People Power revolution. Our study contends that it is mainly caused by a polity that does not allow for a participatory deliberation and envisioning of the common good and a political culture that is not nurturing but hindering the collective and institutional commitment for it. While the Roman Catholic Church has been partly responsible for this democratic deficit, it nevertheless remains a social force with a moral high ground for political transformation, if it is able to change its social location and re-invent its social mission. A self-critical Filipino church whose base ecclesial communities are inserted like leaven in civil society holds the most important key to the democratization of Philippine polity and culture in the light of the Gospel.  相似文献   

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Writers such as the author of the Histoire , Richard of Devizes, Jordan Fantosme, earlier writers such as Orderic Vitalis and William of Malmesbury, or even the dubious Geoffrey of Monmouth, used gendered language to comment, criticise or alternatively applaud women's roles. Their views on women can be explained by the climate of clerical misogyny within which they wrote, their desire to please their patron and the convention of genre. There were many influences working on individual writers which can explain their views. William of Malmesbury was partisan to the Angevin cause; Orderic Vitalis wrote an ecclesiastical history which criticised the morals of secular society and castigated violently the enemies of the patrons of his monastery. The complex nature of the portrayals of both men and women therefore has to be studied in the light of such biases. Noblewomen participated in literary patronage, they inspired authors as models of virtue, were condemned for typically feminine vices, and as such exerted some influence over the shape of texts. They also commissioned texts, were connected with churchmen and such networks could be used for political purposes. Literary sources have been the subject of much theoretical discussion, yet they can be read alongside charters, the evidence of women's economic, administrative, religious patronage and individual initiative, which have in comparison been relatively neglected.  相似文献   

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The 1923 world tour by the Anglican spiritual healer James Moore Hickson finished in New Zealand. Coming at a time of heightened interest in the phenomenon of spiritual healing, Hickson attracted large crowds and intense media attention. Because so many of those who came for healing came from outside the city, the mission at All Saints' Anglican Church in the provincial city of Palmerston North involved a disproportionate effort on the part of parishioners compared with other centres. So, although the number of permanent cures was not as high as was first hoped, and the mission did not lead to increased participation in church activities, the event became a significant part of the history of All Saints'. As elsewhere, some individuals were deeply affected, many claiming to experience a new depth in their spiritual lives. These individuals, and stories of the Hickson mission, encouraged openness to spiritual healing and charismatic renewal that continues to influence this particular church to the present day.  相似文献   

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